The Sino-Soviet Schism } 125
attempt by Stalinists within the CPSU Politburo to oust him. Khrushchev felt
indebted to Mao for CCP support in 1956 and 1957. China at that juncture had
“extremely great influence on the world,” in Wu’s estimate.^23 Mao decided to
use China’s greater prestige to recast the way in which the international com-
munist movement determined its “line.” No longer would that line be dic-
tated unilaterally by the CPSU. Rather, it would be determined in accord with
“correct Marxist-Leninist principles” as understood by Mao. Mao worked to
formulate a more equal role for all fraternal parties in setting the line for the
movement, but he also insisted that those parties embrace his confrontational
line, a proposition that would encounter great skepticism by the majority of
parties that Mao sought to court.
Leaving China for the second and last time in his life, Mao traveled to
Moscow for the conference. Sixty-four communist and workers’ parties
attended the conclave, making it the most extensive meeting of the world
communist movement up to that time. In line with his effort to make Mao
and the CCP feel comfortable within the socialist camp, Khrushchev ordered
special treatment for Mao and the CCP delegation. Khrushchev sent two spe-
cial aircraft to Beijing to ferry the Chinese delegation to and from Moscow.
Khrushchev and most of the senior Soviet leadership were at the Moscow
airport to greet Mao’s arrival. Khrushchev accompanied Mao to his quar-
ters. Alone among participating delegations, the CCP delegation was housed
within the Kremlin. When conference attendees stood atop Lenin’s mauso-
leum in Red Square to review a parade, Mao stood beside Khrushchev. “Long
live Mao” and “Long live China” were popular slogans on that and other
public occasions. Alone among the delegations, the CCP was not required
to submit a printed draft of Mao’s speech to the CPSU prior to its delivery.
Alone among delegations, the CCP was allowed to meet and discuss issues
with other parties’ delegations. When it came time for Mao to deliver his
speech, he alone among speakers delivered it sitting down. Mao took um-
brage at the special treatment arranged for him by Khrushchev; it offended
his communist sensibilities. “Even in this communist land, they know who is
powerful and who is weak. What snobs!” Mao told his doctor.^24
Mao’s initial meetings with Khrushchev in Moscow focused on the issue of
war with the United States, an issue that would dominate the conference. The
socialist countries should not fear war with the Western countries, includ-
ing the United States, Mao said. Not fearing war did not necessarily mean
that one would have to fight a war. In fact, it would be the opposite, Mao
explained to Khrushchev: fearing war would make actual war more likely.
Mao referenced a speech by former Soviet marshal and defense minister
Georgii Zhukov (purged by Khrushchev only weeks before), saying that if the
United States launched a war, the Soviet Union should resort to a “preemp-
tive attack” (xin fa zhi ren) on the United States. It might be best not to talk
of this openly, Mao admitted. In public comments, it would be best to stress