34 { China’s Quest
the global balance in Washington’s favor. Thus, Soviet interests and Stalin’s
attitude toward alliance with new China were equivocal.
During Liu Shaoqi’s mid-1949 mission to Moscow, Stalin admitted that over
the years he had made a number of mistakes in dealing with China, and had
often interfered in China’s internal affairs to the detriment of the CCP. “We have
been a hindrance to you, and for this I am very regretful,” Stalin confessed.^13
Liu diplomatically denied that Stalin had ever injured the CCP or the Chinese
revolution. But Stalin’s willingness to admit past mistakes deeply impressed
members of the Chinese delegation.^14 Stalin also praised to Liu Shaoqi Mao’s
contributions in “applying” Marxism-Leninism in China—praise as a “theo-
rist” that was very important to Mao for personal and political reasons. Stalin
also stressed the world-historic importance of the CCP victory in China, and
suggested that China and the CCP should play a more active role in advancing
revolution in Asia. The Soviet Union would remain the leader of the global
proletarian revolutionary movement, but in Asia, new China and the CCP
should take the lead, Stalin said. Liu stressed the CPSU’s role as undisputed
leader of the world’s progressive forces, but also agreed that China would try
to contribute more to advance revolution in Asia.^15 This understanding would
factor into CCP decisions about Korea a year later.
Mao had written Stalin frequently during the late 1940s to report on devel-
opments in China and solicit the Soviet leader’s advice. This was probably
part of a calculated effort to signal to the Soviet chief that Mao was willing
to subordinate himself to Stalin. As the tides of war increasingly favored the
CCP, Mao again solicited invitations to visit Moscow to consult with Stalin.
The Soviet leader denied Mao’s repeated requests to visit. Not until after the
PRC was established and recognized by the USSR (on October 1 and October
3 respectively) did Stalin agreed to a visit by Mao.
Mao arrived in Moscow on December 16, accompanied by a delegation of
twenty-five high-ranking officials. Li Fuchun, then head of China’s Northeast
(known in the West as Manchuria) and later to become one of the key PRC
administrators, headed the working delegation. Virtually the entire top Soviet
leadership (but not Stalin) greeted Mao at the rail station. Mao stayed in the
Soviet Union until February 17, 1950, a visit of sixty-three days. This was the
first time Mao had left China and the only time he met the giant leader of the
world communist movement who had so deeply shaped his life.
The meeting of Stalin and Mao was a dramatic event and the subject
of much and varied interpretation. Members of the Chinese delegation
who later recalled the visit were struck by Stalin’s efforts to show respect
for Mao—housing him in Stalin’s own villa outside Moscow and allocat-
ing another residence for him in the Kremlin, sending his own bodyguard
to escort Mao and look after his needs, inviting Mao to stand beside him
during Stalin’s “birthday celebration” attended by communist leaders from
around the world. Many Soviet observers, on the other hand, recalled Stalin’s