Notes to Pages 24–26• 309calendar year in Restoration England changed formally on Lady Day, March 25 , despite
the celebration of New Year’s on the first of January, so 1665 began officially on the
twenty-fifth of March. Ritual and other observances of the calendar are richly doc-
umented in David Cressy,Bonfires and Bells: National Memory and the Protestant Cal-
endar in Elizabethan and Stuart England(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1989 ).
18. On Pepys’ status, see Pepys,Diary, 10 : 131 , 295 (on “Finances” and “The Clerk of
the Acts”).
19. Translated as “everything I could wish with her.”
20. Pepys,Diary, 6 : 1 – 2.
21. The average size of the ninety-seven parishes has been calculated as more than
four acres, but this figure is misleading, since a few larger parishes along the wall and
others that spiked northward from the Thames have to be averaged with dozens that
were each only a fraction of an acre. See A. L. Beier, “Engine of Manufacture: The
Trades of London,” in Beier and Finlay,The Making of the Metropolis, 157.
22. On the trades and crafts of London, see ibid., 141 – 67.
23. The starting point for scholarly discussions of the early modern city is Gideon Sjo-
berg,The Preindustrial City(New York, 1960 ). Modifications of his model include An-
thony Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society,
1650 – 1750 ,”Past and Present 37 ( 1967 ): 52 – 55 , and M. J. Power, “The Social Topography of
Restoration London,” in Beier and Finlay,The Making of the Metropolis, 199 – 206.
24. A superb overview of London’s social-economic contours is Charles Wilson,
England ’s Apprenticeship, 1603 – 1763 (Oxford, 1965 ), 45 – 52 , 81 – 87.
25. The essays in Beier and Finlay,The Making of the Metropolis,analyze various as-
pects of London’s growth in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. See also Paul Grif-
fiths and Mark S. R. Jenner, eds.,Essays in the Cultural and Social History of Early Modern
London(Manchester, 2000 );Lena Cowen Orlson, ed.,Material London, ca. 1600 (Phila-
delphia, 2000 ); and Craig Spence,London in the 1690 s: A Social Atlas(London, 2000 ).
26. On population, see Vanessa Harding’s survey of opinion, “The Population of
London, 1500 – 1700 ,”London Journal 15 ( 1990 ): 111 – 28 ; Roger Finlay,Population and Me-
tropolis: The Demography of London, 1580 – 1660 (Cambridge, 1981 ), 51 – 52 ; Peter Clark and
Paul Slack, eds.,English Towns in Transition, 1500 – 1700 (London, 1976 ), 83.
27. We have adjusted the figures given for 1650 as 2. 5 % for Paris (Wrigley, “Simple
Model of London’s Importance,” 45 ) and as 7. 7 % for London (Anthony Wrigley and
Roger Schofield,The Population History of England, 1541 – 1871 [London, 1981 ], 528 – 29 ).
28. This is an exceedingly complex subject. See Peter Clark and David Souden, ed.,
Migration and Society in Early Modern England(Towota, N.J., 1988 ), and M. J. Kitch,
“Capital and Kingdom: Migration to Later Stuart London,” in Beier and Finlay,The
Making of the Metropolis, 224 – 51. On wages, see ibid., 171 , table 16 , comparing wage rates
for building craftsmen and laborers in London and southern England, 1590 s– 1750.
29 .Graunt,Natural and Political Observations, 131.
30. See Wrigley, “Simple Model of London’s Importance,” 49 , and Jeremy Boulton,
“Neighborhood Migration in Early Modern London,” in Clark and Souden,Migration
and Society, 108 – 10.