The Great Plague. The Story of London\'s Most Deadly Year

(Jacob Rumans) #1
324 • Notes to Pages 130–140


  1. Pepys,Diary, 6 : 187 ,Aug. 11 – 12 ; 200 ,Aug. 20.

  2. Ibid., 200 – 201.

  3. Ibid., 204 , 207 – 8 ,Aug. 26 , 30 , 31.

  4. Sir William Turner, London, to Pocquelin père et fils at Paris, Aug. 8 , GL, MS
    5106 / 1.

  5. BL, Addit. MS 4182 , fol. 29 r.

  6. One explanation for the name cripple gateis that it is where disabled travelers,
    hoping for cures, left relics, icons, and statues. More likely, the name comes from the
    Anglo-Saxon word crepel,a covered way, as seen in the cantilevered placements of hori-
    zontal boards forming the gate. There are two historical guides to Cripplegate: John
    James Baddeley,An Account of the Church and Parish of St. Giles Cripplegate(London,
    1880 ), and Caroline Gordon and Wilfred Dewhirst,The Ward of Cripplegate in the City
    of London(Oxford, 1985 ).

  7. Hertfordshire Record Office, Bridgewater correspondence, AH 109 and 1100 .On
    Bridgewater’s life, see the Dictionary of National Biographyentry for John Egerton, sec-
    ond earl of Bridgewater ( 1622 – 86 ).

  8. St. Giles Cripplegate Parish Register, GL, MS 6419 / 7. Cf. Bell,The Great Plague,
    144 – 52.

  9. George Boddington Family Commonplace Book, GL, MS 10 , 823 / 1 , 40. For a
    statistical breakdown by occupation of fatalities at Cripplegate, see ch. 8 and app. C,
    this volume.

  10. St. Giles Cripplegate Vestry Minutes, May 23 , 1665 , GL, 6048 / 1 , fol. 18 v.

  11. Samuel Foster to Dean Sancroft, Redgrave Hall, Cambridge, Jan. 22 , 1666 , BL,
    Harleian MS 3785 , fol. 81.

  12. Bell,The Great Plague, 149.

  13. Baddeley,St. Giles Cripplegate, 22 ;The Obituary of Richard Smyth... being a cata-
    logue of all such persons as he knew, 1627 – 1674 ,ed. Henry Ellis (London, 1849 ), 63 – 65.

  14. St. Giles Cripplegate Parish Register, GL, MS 6419 / 7.

  15. St. Paul Covent Garden Register, 34.


Chapter 7. The Doctors Stumble



  1. We thank Graham Twigg for these figures.

  2. Hodges,Loimologia, 14.

  3. Wear,Knowledge and Practice, 309 , offers a revisionist view of Hodges as a for-
    ward-looking “modern Galenist.”

  4. On the pamphlet war between the Galenist and chemical physicians, see Henry
    Thomas, “The Society of Chymical Physicians: An Echo of the Great Plague of Lon-
    don, 1665 ,” in Science, Medicine, and History,ed. Edgar Ashworth Underwood (New
    Yo r k , 1953 ), 2 : 56 – 64 , and Harold J. Cook,The Decline of the Old Medical Regime in Stuart
    London(Ithaca, N.Y., 1986 ), 150 , 159 – 60.
    5 .Cf. Andrew Wear’s observation for the entire early modern period in England:
    “Medical practitioners faced a supreme test of their art, their knowledge, procedures
    and remedies; plague posed the ultimate challenge.” Wear’s study is the most probing

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