The Wall St.Journal 24Feb2020

(lu) #1

A16| Monday, February 24, 2020 THE WALL STREET JOURNAL.


Steel Tariff Lobbying Often Hides Hard Facts


Your editorial “Political Lobbying
on Steel Tariffs” (Feb. 19) provides a
firm illustration of the madness asso-
ciated with using Section 232 of the
Trade Expansion Act of 1962. This
Kennedy-era law was intended to pro-
tect critical industries for specific na-
tional-security purposes. President
Trump’s application is far too broad
and has hurt more businesses than it
has helped.
Jobs in U.S. industries that use im-
ported steel or inputs made of steel
far outnumber those involved in the
production of steel. In my district, the
tariffs on steel and aluminum are
causing businesses hardship and re-
duced profits. Despite over two years
of effort, I’ve heard from my constitu-
ents that they aren’t able to get the
high-quality steel they need from U.S.
suppliers.
Many of us in Congress have urged
the president to abandon this across-
the-board use of Section 232 tariffs
and instead work with our allies to
target the leading countries that are
responsible for the gross overproduc-
tion and dumping on global markets.
The number one target for this focus
is China, which is where the adminis-
tration should be directing its efforts.
REP.FRENCHHILL (R.,ARK.)
Little Rock, Ark.

Your editorial misses the most
alarming news: that Allegheny Tech-
nologies Inc. (ATI), which requested
an exclusion from the Section 232 tar-
iffs, has a joint venture with Chinese-
backed Tsingshan Holdings (“I Sup-
port Trump’s Tariffs But Need an
Exemption,” by Robert S. Wetherbee,
op-ed, Jan. 8). Worse, as part of that

deal, ATI shut down its Pennsylvania
melt shop to rely exclusively on Tsing-
shan’s Indonesian-made, imported
product.
From the outside, that looks like
ATI essentially sent 500 Pennsylvania
steel jobs to Indonesia but now de-
mands special treatment for their re-
maining 100—notwithstanding that
their demand threatens roughly 1,
other Pennsylvania stainless-steel jobs.
President Trump’s tariffs are a direct
response to this Chinese perfidy, de-
signed to protect U.S. national security,
American jobs and the independence of
America’s stainless-steel industry.
ATI’s partner, Tsingshan, built its
Indonesian mill—part of China’s “Belt
and Road” program—to avoid duties
levied against Chinese steelmakers
who dumped product at unfair prices.
That mill, and Indonesia’s Chinese-
backed ban on nickel exports, repre-
sents an end-around President
Trump’s “America First” policies.
Further, the U.S. Department of
Commerce previously rejected ATI’s
exclusion request on the grounds that
sufficient domestic supply exists. The
facts haven’t changed. While ATI’s
CEO says that “buying American” isn’t
an option, he forgot to mention that
my plant in Kentucky is already sup-
plying slabs to his. It’s an option he’s
already using.
President Trump must consider
whether key national-security compo-
nents should use American steel or if
China should be allowed to steal
American jobs by cheating in the mar-
ketplace. Say no to the exclusion.
CRISFUENTES
CEO, North American Stainless
Ghent, Ky.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR


Letters intended for publication should
be addressed to: The Editor, 1211 Avenue
of the Americas, New York, NY 10036,
or emailed to [email protected]. Please
include your city and state. All letters
are subject to editing, and unpublished
letters can be neither acknowledged nor
returned.
“He was a great magician.”

THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

Pepper ...
And Salt

Children Need at Least One Loving Parent


Regarding Naomi Schaefer Riley’s
excellent review of Anne Kim’s “Aban-
doned” (Bookshelf, Feb. 11): The com-
mon denominator I found in the chil-
dren who didn’t succeed was that they
lacked a foundation of love and com-
mitment from a caregiver who gave
them a sense of value and self-worth.
Many youths today are discon-
nected not only because of basic life
necessities not being met but because
of the lack of parental connection and
care in the parenting of a child. This
begins at birth. Money isn’t always
the answer to the problems these chil-
dren face. I worked with many fami-
lies that had no financial stress and
found the same disconnection. Our so-
ciety today doesn’t see the value of
parenting and raising children to be-
come independent, morally and spiri-
tually developed human beings. Real
neglect such as food and shelter are

problems but so is benign neglect
wherein the child doesn’t feel impor-
tant to the parents. We are surprised
when these children fail. Government
alone can’t do it, schools and jobs
can’t do it, technology won’t do it.
Only a good relationship gives a child
the ability, the resiliency and the foun-
dation to grow into a healthy, produc-
tive adult ready to engage in life.
DENISEGOLDEN,LMFT
San Diego

Wyoming’s Bet on Coal Is a Poor Investment


Wyoming’s meddling in energy
markets to extend the “zombie” coal
industry is a waste of ratepayers’ and
taxpayers’ money (“Wyoming Tries to
Give Coal a Lift.” U.S. News, Feb. 18).
It makes no economic sense when coal
cannot compete with cheap natural
gas, wind and solar. Coal makes even
less sense when you factor in the eco-
nomic costs of how it is the worst of
all fuels in terms of climate damage.
Requiring “good-faith effort” to
thwart utilities from making the best
business decisions in jettisoning un-
profitable assets is bad governmental
policy and bad business practice. This
is the worst example of substituting
“good intentions” for good sense.
Sometimes, the government should
intervene in the public interest and to
correct market imbalances. The Cli-

mate Leadership Council is advocating
a program designed to minimize gov-
ernment interference while spurring
an orderly, fair transition from fossil
fuel. It reduces regulation, generates
funding for needed adjustments in the
workforce, answers the growing call
for action on climate change and
avoids growing the bureaucracy. This
makes a lot more sense than an ex-
pensive and futile attempt at pander-
ing to coal-mine owners and miners.
E.J.PARKER
Long Beach, Calif.

Ride Hailing Seems a Long
Way From Transport Utopia
“The Ride-Hail Utopia Got Stuck in
Traffic” (Exchange, Feb. 15) fails to take
into account a significant factor in the
congestion wars: the decline in avail-
able roadway. In the utopian vision of a
car-free world, transportation planners
are doing everything they can do to
discourage car use. Take Manhattan’s
First Avenue. The west side of the ave-
nue is now a bike lane, eliminating sig-
nificant amounts of parking and taking
away a lane of traffic. On the east side
there is a bus lane with bump-outs at
bus stops, eliminating a second lane.
Add to that double-parked delivery
trucks on each side and you have a ma-
jor artery reduced to one lane. Multiply
that avenue by avenue, and you have
the recipe for gridlock.
We should be skeptical of technol-
ogy solutions proclaiming their ability
to save the world. But when local gov-
ernment rigs the game against motor-
ized transportation, I’ll take an Uber
crawling to the airport any day.
ALEXANDERW.STEPHENS
New York

The best way to reduce the bad im-
pact of the ride-hailing business is for
people to go back to cabs and public
transit.
JIMROWBOTHAM
New York

GOP’s Future After Trump
Is Likely to Be Contentious
Kimberley Strassel’s assessment of
“The State of the Democrats” (Poto-
mac Watch, Feb. 7) is that it is in dis-
array. I wonder whither the GOP after
President Trump? As an outsider, he
has no heir in the GOP establishment,
and there is a schism within the party
as deep as that which afflicts the
other party.
Where will the Republicans turn?
That choice will revolve around some
consensus as to the size and proper
role of the federal government. Cer-
tainly the current Democratic field has
expanded the scope of possibilities for
what the federal government should
do and how large such efforts might
be. A Trump 2020 victory, which at
the moment at least seems likely, will
leave us with no clear trends to indi-
cate where either party may be
headed in 2024. It’s unlikely we will
see a new direction for the chaotic
Democrats, but the sight of a rudder-
less GOP sounds every bit as possible.
THOMASA.BEEBE
High Ridge, Mo.

The Sanders Democrats


D


emocrats now know how millions of
Republicans felt in 2016. A populist
with devoted plurality support charges
through the primary and cau-
cus states, racking up dele-
gates against multiple “estab-
lishment” candidates who all
want to be the last alternative
standing. Before the media
knew it, Donald Trump could
not be stopped.
With his overwhelming victory in Nevada’s
caucuses on Saturday, Bernie Sanders is on the
road to pulling off a similar coup against the
Democratic Party. The Vermont socialist per-
formed even better than his polling and was
leading with 46% of the vote with 60% of the
precincts reporting Sunday.
He did well with most voter groups, but es-
pecially the young and Latinos. Many of his sup-
porters may not know what socialism means in
practice, but they like his angry demands for so-
cial justice and for government to fix all of
America’s inequities.
As important, his competitors continued to
divide the vote with no single candidate break-
ing out as a dominant challenger. Joe Biden was
second with 19.6%, giving him a talking point
going into next Saturday’s make-or-break pri-
mary in South Carolina. Pete Buttigieg was third
with 15.3%—close to the 15% state-wide thresh-
old to gain delegates.
The result was especially painful for Amy
Klobuchar, who couldn’t build on her strong
showing in New Hampshire. She was in fifth
with 4.8%. Elizabeth Warren vows to fight on,
but she didn’t turn her savaging of Michael
Bloomberg in last week’s debate into enough
support and was fourth at 10.1%
Mr. Sanders will now go into the Palmetto
State against the same divided field. All of the
candidates except for Messrs. Sanders and
Bloomberg (and the fading billionaire Tom
Steyer) lack the money to compete with more
than token TV ads in the Super Tuesday states
that follow three days after South Carolina. Mr.
Bloomberg won’t be on the ballot until Super
Tuesday.
The Democratic Party has put itself in this po-
sition by front-loading so many primaries and
creating a proportional allocation system for
delegates. Anyone who gets 15% of the vote in
a state gets some delegates, which plays into the
hands of a candidate like Mr. Sanders who has
solid support on the left. No Democrat can now
do what Ronald Reagan did in 1976 by winning


a primary in late March in North Carolina and
surging to win all the delegates in many later
states and nearly take the nomination from Pres-
ident Gerald Ford.
All of which makes Mr.
Sanders the clear favorite for
the Democratic nomination
even after a mere three con-
tests. He might still be stoppa-
ble if someone can beat him in
South Carolina and reduce his margins in the
14 Super Tuesday states. There is much pundit
talk about a contested July convention in Mil-
waukee. But that is less likely than the chatter
says unless Mr. Sanders is held to a narrow plu-
rality of delegates. Even then Mr. Sanders will
claim he deserves the nomination and that in-
sider elites want to steal it.
The other candidates have contributed to
this predicament by failing to challenge Mr.
Sanders and his socialist agenda. They dispute
his Medicare for All math, and his electability
in November, but ever so gently. They all offer
some version of Bernie Lite, and none speak up
for the private economy.
Mr. Bloomberg made a halting stab at it in
last week’s debate but the other candidates de-
voted their time to bludgeoning the business-
man for his ancient sins against identity poli-
tics. Mr. Sanders got a pass, as he has the entire
primary season. Mr. Buttigieg finally put the
boot and some edge against Mr. Sanders into
his remarks on Saturday night in Nevada, but
the question is whether it’s too late.
Democrats are waking to the prospect of a
nominee who wants to eliminate private health
insurance, raise taxes on the middle class, ban
fracking and put government in charge of energy
production, make college a taxpayer entitlement,
offer free health care to illegal immigrants, raise
spending by $50 trillion, and tag every down-
ballot Democrat with the socialist label.
All of these are political vulnerabilities, but
Republicans shouldn’t be too sanguine that Mr.
Sanders would be an easy November mark. A
majority of Americans aren’t socialist, at least
not yet, but the country is closely divided polit-
ically. Democrats and the media will close
ranks behind Mr. Sanders as an alternative to
the incumbent.
Mr. Trump might also make the election a
referendum on himself—meaning his personal
behavior and character—rather than the social-
ist agenda. That’s an election Bernie Sanders
could win. Democrats have little time left if they
want to offer the country a better choice.

Bernie’s rout in Nevada


makes him the favorite


for the nomination.


The Lorax on the Appalachian Trail


T


o environmentalists, this must look like
the perfect legal loophole. Congress gave
federal agencies the power to authorize
pipelines under the lands they
control. But that law excludes
“lands in the National Park
System.” Who administers the
Appalachian Trail? Bingo: the
National Park Service.
Ergo, the greens assert, no
agency may permit a pipeline to cross the trail,
which runs 2,200 miles from Maine to Georgia.
That would turn the footpath into a wall to de-
velopment, since most of the route runs on fed-
eral property. A federal appeals court accepted
this theory two years ago. On Monday the Su-
preme Court will hear the arguments to over-
turn it, in a pair of cases consolidated underU.S.
Forest Service v. Cowpasture River Preservation
Association.
In 2014 Atlantic Coast Pipeline proposed a
natural-gas pipeline from West Virginia to North
Carolina. The plan is to pass under the Appala-
chian Trail in the George Washington National
Forest, by drilling 700 feet beneath all those hik-
ers in biodegradable shoes. After three years the
U.S. Forest Service signed off. Green groups re-
acted per their nature: Fish gotta swim, birds
gotta fly, and the Sierra Club gotta sue.
In 2018 that approval was voided by the U.S.
Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit. Here’s
how its ruling wrapped up: “We trust the United
States Forest Service to ‘speak for the trees, for
the trees have no tongues.’ Dr. Seuss,The Lorax
(1971).” In the absence of mustachioed orange
cartoon characters, a panel of three life-tenured
federal judges would do.
The ruling faulted the Forest Service’s envi-
ronmental review. But it also adopted the notion
that the Appalachian Trail runs on National Park
System lands, meaning no agency can OK the


pipeline. The Supreme Court should hit this ag-
gressive argument with a can of bear spray.
The “central flaw” in the lower court’s logic,
as the federal government ar-
gues in its brief, is that the Ap-
palachian Trail is a route
through the woods, but not the
land itself, which in this case
remains under the Forest Ser-
vice. For many miles, the trail
traverses state and private property. Do those
lands now count as “administered” by the Park
Service, too? “That conclusion is obviously in-
correct,” the brief says.
Atlantic Coast Pipeline adds that “more than
50 pipelines” already cross the trail. Look at the
language used by the National Trails System Act,
which speaks of “lands through which the trail
route passes.” The company says there’s no rea-
son to believe “that Congress intended to con-
vert the Appalachian Trail into a 2,200-mile bar-
rier separating critical natural resources from
the eastern seaboard.”
The environmentalists argue that the trail
“cannot be separated from the land that consti-
tutes it.” They quote Robert Frost. They say that
trying to distinguish between the route and the
land is “elusively metaphysical.”
Meanwhile, work has halted on the Mountain
Valley Pipeline, which is 90% finished. “More
than 264 miles of pipe are welded and in place,”
the developer says in an amicus brief. It was ap-
proved to cross the Appalachian Trail in the Jef-
ferson National Forest, but that was before the
Fourth Circuit intervened.
This is one more example of what ails Amer-
ica in the age of the runaway administrative
state. Forget the Lorax and that pretend pedia-
trician, Dr. Seuss. Old statutes don’t have
tongues either, but the Supreme Court speaks
for the rule of law.

The Supreme Court
sizes up a 2,200-mile

barrier to development.


Want Fewer Homes? Try This


G


overnor Gavin Newsom is pleading with
his Legislature to fix California’s govern-
ment-created housing shortage. As
usual, Democrats are respond-
ing with a jack-hammer
against business that will
cause more problems.
Berkeley state Senator
Nancy Skinner last week intro-
duced legislation that would let
local governments fine developers that leave
homes unoccupied for at least 90 days. Local gov-
ernments would also be allowed to use eminent
domain to acquire vacant properties and then rent
them or sell them to a nonprofit.
The bill targets so-called house flippers who
buy and fix up homes—usually in foreclosure—
and then resell them for a profit. But it would
also punish landlords who may now be more in-
clined to leave properties vacant because the
cost of upkeep and improvements exceed the


rent they can charge under the state’s new rent-
control law.
“My bill is designed to give local governments
more tools to incentivize those
corporations to actually put
people in these homes,” Ms.
Skinner says. Except that it
would do the opposite. It costs
$750,000 to build a new low-
income apartment in San Fran-
cisco, but investors can renovate and sell a fore-
closed home in Berkeley for less. There would
be less incentive to invest in or improve the
housing stock since the government could seize
properties for a pittance.
This may be the real goal. Liberals worry that
housing improvements could increase prices in
currently affordable neighborhoods. So they’d
rather have local governments or nonprofits
control the housing stock. Watch the affordable
housing shortage get worse.

Sacramento tries to fix


the housing shortage it


created. Please stop.


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