The American Nation A History of the United States, Combined Volume (14th Edition)

364 Chapter 13 The Coming of the Civil War

In June the Democrats reconvened at Baltimore.
Again they failed to reach agreement. The two wings
then met separately, the Northerners nominating
Douglas, the Southerners John C. Breckenridge of
Kentucky, Buchanan’s vice president. On the question
of slavery in the territories, the Northerners promised
to “abide by the decision of the Supreme Court,”
which meant, in effect, that they stood for Douglas’s
Freeport Doctrine. The Southerners announced their
belief that neither Congress nor any territorial govern-
ment could prevent citizens from settling “with their
property” in any territory.
Meanwhile, the Republicans, who met in Chicago
in mid-May, had drafted a platform attractive to all
classes and all sections of the northern and western
states. For manufacturers they proposed a high tariff, for
farmers a homestead law providing free land for settlers.
Internal improvements “of a National character,”
notably a railroad to the Pacific, should receive federal
aid. No restrictions should be placed on immigration. As
to slavery in the territories, the Republicans did not
equivocate: “The normal condition of all the territory of
the United States is that of freedom.” Neither Congress
nor a local legislature could “give legal existence to
Slavery in any Territory.”
In choosing a presidential candidate the Republicans
displayed equally shrewd political judgment. Senator

Seward was the front-runner, but he had taken too

extreme a stand and appeared unlikely to carry the cru-

cial states of Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois. He led

on the first ballot but could not get a majority. Then the

delegates began to look closely at Abraham Lincoln. His

thoughtful and moderate views on the main issue of the

times and his formidable debating skills attracted many,

and so did his political personality. “Honest Abe,” the

“Railsplitter,” a man of humble origins (born in a

log cabin), self-educated, self-made, a common man

but by no means an ordinary man—the combination

seemed unbeatable.

It also helped that Lincoln was from a crucial

state and had an excellent team of convention man-

agers. Taking advantage of the fact that the conven-

tion was meeting in Lincoln’s home state, they

packed the gallery with leather-lunged Chicago ward

heelers who were assigned the task of shouting for

their man. They also made a series of deals with the

leaders of other state delegations to win additional

votes. “I authorize no bargains and will be bound by

none,” Lincoln telegraphed the convention. “Lincoln

ain’t here and don’t know what we have to meet,”

one of his managers remarked—and proceeded to

trade off two Cabinet posts for the votes of key states.

On the second ballot Lincoln drew shoulder to

shoulder with Seward, on the third he was within two

Lincoln (Republican)

Douglas (Democrat)

Brekinridge (Democrat)

Bell (Constitutional Union)

No returns

Divided commitments

TEXAS

CANADA

LOUISIANA

ARKANSAS

MISSOURI

IOWA

WISCONSIN

MICHIGAN

IND.

OHIO

ILLINOIS

MISS.

ALABAMA

FLORIDA

MINNESOTA

OREGON

CALIFORNIA

GEORGIA

SOUTH

CAROLINA

NORTH

CAROLINA

VIRGINIA

KENTUCKY

TENNESSEE

NEW YORK

PENNSYLVANIA

N.J.

CONN.

MASS.

VERMONT

N.H.

MAINE

R.I.

MARYLAND

DELAWARE

Gulf of

Mexico

ATLANTIC

OCEAN

Presidential Election, 1860This map shows clearly the North-South electoral divide, and the fracturing of the Democratic party.