112 UNIT 1 PREHISPANIC MESOAMERICA
priests sponsored numerous feasts and ceremonies, many of which were associated
with gift giving among hosts and guests. Mayapan did not demand heavy tribute from
its vassals; modest quantities of maize, turkeys, cotton mantles, salt, honey, fish, and
other basic goods were requested. Military service was also expected from the Mayapan
city-state, and succeeding local rulers likely maintained this custom.
Market exchange, which had also been important during the Classic period, was
amplified in scale and significance during the final 300 years before Spanish arrival.
Nobles performed the bulk of distant trading expeditions, but several tiers of lesser-
ranked merchants served local and regional needs. Some settlements had specialized
functions as market towns (notably, Chauaca, Conil, Ecab). It is likely that periodic
regional markets were held at all major central places, perhaps timed with key cal-
endrical/religious events that drew pilgrims, as David Freidel and Jeremy Sabloff
document for the sites on Cozumel Island.
Long-distance merchants maintained agents, support groups, and facilities in
towns that they visited regularly. Large, heavily laden, twenty-five-foot-long trading ca-
noes voyaged from the Gulf Coast port of Xicalanco to the Bay of Honduras. Ware-
house facilities have been documented for some major trading sites in Honduras,
Quintana Roo, Mexico, and Veracruz. Long-distance connections linked the Mayan
area, through the Gulf Coast port of Xicalanco, to peoples of Central Mexico, in-
cluding the Aztecs. Exports from the Mayan lowlands included salt, cacao, wax, honey,
cochineal, achiote, indigo, cotton, and slaves—this list is known only from historic
documents as none of these perishables can be recovered from archaeological sites.
Mayan groups received colorful thread made of rabbit fur (tuchumitl), as well as
woven cloth, and ornaments—all likely paid for in cacao currency.
Goods obtained from distant localities were used for daily activities in elite and
commoner Maya households, thus indicating the importance of market exchange.
Earlier precedents for this are known in the Classic period; for example, pottery
made in the Terminal Classic period of northern Yucatan, utilized widely by all social
classes, was tempered with volcanic ash. The nearest volcanoes are in the Mayan
highlands of Guatemala, and important interregional dependencies were clearly cre-
ated, on the basis of the preferences of pottery makers and users. This situation oc-
curred despite the fact that local, nonvolcanic tempering materials were available.
Volcanic products are highly suitable for evaluating long-distance economic rela-
tionships, because they are durable and identifiable with respect to their limited-
source areas. The amount of imported obsidian, a volcanic glass used for stone tools,
is another indicator of distant dependencies. While the major centers of Classic pe-
riod Tikal and Mayapan had comparable amounts of obsidian, Postclassic commoner
sites in Belize had much greater quantities than their earlier analogs.
Although trade was important, local economies were well developed, and set-
tlements achieved a considerable degree of self-sufficiency in terms of providing for
basic needs. This strategy was wise and provided insurance against trading disruptions
due to interpolity conflict. Farmers worked in agricultural fields that surrounded
Mayan towns. Large workshops for stone-tool-making found at Mayapan indicate
that local craftsmanship was geared to meeting the needs of this relatively large city.