886 Ch. 22 • The Great War

The Serb government therefore ordered military mobilization on July 25,
1914, confident of full Russian support. It then presented a formal reply to
the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum just before the forty-eight hours had
elapsed. It was surprisingly conciliatory. The Serbs accepted five of the
demands without reservation; four others they would accept pending dis­
cussion and some further explanation. They rejected only one outright—
that Austro-Hungarian representatives collaborate in the investigation of
the Serb “plot” against the Habsburg Empire.
The Austro-Hungarian government viewed anything less than total com­
pliance as unsatisfactory. It ordered military mobilization against Serbia,
but stopped short of declaring war. The British again proposed a meeting
of the powers in the hope of avoiding conflict in the Balkans, or at least
keeping it limited to the Balkans. This the German government rejected,
believing that Britain would not go to war unless it appeared that Germany
was intending to conquer and absorb France.

“A Jolly Little War”

Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia on July 28, 1914, exactly one

month after the archduke’s assassination. The declaration claimed an

unsatisfactory Serb response to the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum, as well

as an attack on Austro-Hungarian troops along the Bosnian frontier, an

event that never took place. In a final attempt to avert war, British Foreign

Secretary Edward Grey asked if Germany would participate in a last-ditch

attempt to negotiate a settlement to the crisis. Germany accepted, but at

the same time did nothing to try to forestall an Austro-Hungarian invasion

of Serbia. If anything, Bethmann-Hollweg egged his ally on. In Saint Peters­

burg, the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war generated popular support

for Serbia. An American diplomat reported tersely, “Whole country, all

classes, unanimous for war.”

On July 28, the same day as the Austro-Hungarian declaration of war,

Bethmann-Hollweg sent a telegram to Vienna suggesting that its ally find a

way to make it appear that, if a European war followed, it would be Rus­

sia’s fault. And finally he warned that if Russia continued to support Serbia,

Austria must stay the course, even if it led to war, or else forever renounce

its status as a great power.

By the time the British cabinet discussed the Serb crisis on July 24, it was

clear that Germany would not restrain Austria-Hungary. The Liberals, who

had come to power in 1905, had long opposed entangling international

alliances and large military expenditures, and they were divided over British

intervention. Many Liberals and most Labourites disliked the idea of fight­

ing alongside tsarist Russia. The government was beset by a number of press­

ing political issues, including the Home Rule Bill for Ireland—on July 16,

British troops had fired on rioters in Dublin. The Royal Navy was placed on

alert.