not bothering with politics (Marshall, 1993: 441). The general strike is seen as the
best weapon for ushering in the new order. Syndicates should take on social
functions as the germ of the stateless, socialist society. But not all anarchists agreed
with syndicalism. Emma Goldman feared that syndicalism trampled upon the rights
of the individual by accepting a principle of majority rule, while the Italian Malatesta
saw syndicalism simply as one of many means to achieve anarchist ends (Marshall,
1993: 444).
The contrast between Kropotkin (1842–1921) and Bakunin is striking indeed.
Although they were both Russian and both influenced by Marx’s critique of
capitalism, Kropotkin had great respect for science and was an accomplished
geographer. Kropotkin espoused the ideal of a federal and decentralised society with
the land and factories owned by the producers. He was sympathetic to syndicalism
and argued that the great gains in the past had been made by the force of popular
revolution, not through ‘an evolution created by an elite’ (Marshall, 1993: 317).
Anarchism must proceed with the method of the natural scientists. Mutual aid
was far more important to the evolution of the species than mutual struggle. The
species that cooperates the most, is most likely to survive. Humans are by nature
social and moral, and the greatest individual development comes through practising
the ‘highest communist sociability’. The socialist notion of a ‘people’s state’ – here
Kropotkin agreed with Bakunin – is ‘as great a danger to liberty as any form of
autocracy’ (Marshall, 1993: 321–6). Whereas Bukunin saw distribution as linked
to the performance of work, Kropotkin also stressed need: production and
distribution are integrated in communal enterprises so as to meet the physical and
cultural needs of all (Vincent, 1995: 133).
Kropotkin was offered a cabinet position (which he turned down) in the
Provisional Government of Kerensky after the overthrow of Tsarism in 1917, and
was bitterly critical both of the Bolshevik Revolution (he sent letters to Lenin in
vain) and the tactics adopted after the revolution. Kropotkin called himself a
communist anarchist; Bakunin preferred to see himself as a collectivist, while
Proudhon regarded himself as a mutualist, but all were critical of capitalism, and
all saw anarchism as a solution to the kind of inequality generated by a capitalist
society.
Republican Spain and the anarchist experience
The Spanish Republic has become a valuable historical laboratory for trying to
understand anarchism because this is the only example in the twentieth century in
which anarchism succeeded in constructing a new society, at least in particular
regions and for a few years. As Thomas comments, ‘the Spanish Anarchists are the
only Anarchists in European history to have made any mark upon events’ (1965:
279).
The liberal tradition was weak in Spain. During the nineteenth century the
Church and the army had intervened to prevent or paralyse a liberal constitution
and this had strengthened the widespread scepticism towards conventional political
processes. Anarchist strength centred in Barcelona in the north where it was
reinforced by separatist sentiments among the Catalans (and took the form of
Chapter 11 Anarchism 245