Gangster State

that Msibi had somehow amassed properties worth a staggering R 25
million before his untimely death.^8 The properties were mostly held in
his trust’s name, and almost all of them had been bought after he
became HOD. Most tellingly, Msibi had managed to buy the properties
without bank loans. This, according to some of my sources, was proof
that he had received kickbacks. ‘There is no other way to explain this,’
said one former MEC. ‘He was a senior government official, yes, but
where in the world would he have gotten that much money through
legal means?’ According to the amaBhungane report, the Hawks had
opened a ‘commercial crime inquiry’ into Msibi in early 2016.^9 The
alternate theory suggests that Msibi’s death was somehow linked to the
Hawks probe. ‘There were very senior ANC people in this province
who were getting nervous about what might be revealed through an
investigation into Msibi’s assets,’ one politician in the province told me.
‘There was even talk that he was going to cooperate with the
authorities. Remember, if he had been taking bribes, he certainly
hadn’t done so alone.’
So far, no one has been able to unearth evidence linking Msibi’s death
to a political conspiracy. However, there are plenty of concrete facts
outside the realm of rumour that detail how Magashule’s family
benefited from his alleged capture of the DPRT. It would appear that a
once-noble initiative to help emerging contractors in the province find
their feet was turned into a cash cow for people closely linked to the
then premier.
The DPRT’s Contractor Development Programme (CDP) was
launched in 2008. Emerging businesses in the construction industry
could apply to become beneficiaries. The department would assist them
with training and skills development, after which they would be given