matched those listed in the spreadsheet. On 27 March, a day after the
R 25 million landed in the Blackhead–Diamond Hill joint account,
Mpambani transferred almost R 20 million to four bank accounts. Of
that, R 10 million went to Mastertrade, the company owned by Sello
Radebe, the former Free State official who evaded my queries about his
role in the saga. Mpambani also transferred R 6. 4 million to two
accounts belonging to his other companies. The remaining money,
exactly R 3. 2 million, went into the account of Blackhead Consulting.
In other words, Mpambani paid Blackhead the exact amount that
Sodi’s firm was required to pay five third parties after the third
instalment from the FSHS, as detailed in the spreadsheet. On 1 April
2015 , just a few days after Mpambani transferred the money, Sodi paid
exactly R 1 million to an unknown account. The payment was marked
as a ‘loan’. I could not help but wonder if this was perhaps the
payment to ‘TZ’. I asked Sodi’s lawyers to whom Blackhead had lent
money. I also asked them for a loan schedule and loan agreement. This
time, they remained mum. Blackhead Consulting also extended a ‘loan’
of R 5 million, among other payments, to another unknown third party.
The firm’s lawyers ignored my queries over this second loan.
Just before the Blackhead–Diamond Hill joint venture received its
third instalment from the FSHS, Sodi made another curious payment.
On 24 March, he transferred R 250 000 to Bongani More. Blackhead
also paid More R 100 000 in October the following year. Poring over
Blackhead’s bank records, the name immediately rang a bell. I later
recalled that I had come across a Bongani More during my research
into Ace Magashule’s student days. Someone had told me that More
was a student leader at Fort Hare when Magashule was there. More
importantly, More later became a deputy director-general at the
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(Nora)
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