the lucrative contract through the transfer of the original Gauteng
contract.
A series of payments made by Blackhead Consulting in 2016 also
caught my eye. In the month-long period between late August and late
September, Sodi’s firm made three payments totalling almost R 105 000
to someone listed in its bank records as ‘Zizi’. The name had been
redacted with a black marker, but whoever did this did not do a very
good job. Holding the black blotches to the light, the name ‘Zizi’
clearly shone through. Asked why the name had been redacted, Sodi’s
lawyer later said his client had wanted to protect the identities of
certain individuals. ‘He does not seek to hide any inappropriate
payments. Where a name has been redacted this is to protect the
privacy and confidentiality of the recipient.’
I could not help but wonder if this was an attempt to cover up
payments to Zizi Kodwa, the ANC’s then acting national spokesperson
and one of the party’s most visible members. There was a tangential
link between Kodwa and Sodi, so it did not seem entirely implausible.
As mentioned in Chapter 21 , Blackhead Consulting allegedly started
securing contracts from the Gauteng government when Nomvula
Mokonyane was still premier of the province. Sources claimed that
Sodi and Mokonyane were close, but Sodi denied that his company
had secured contracts because of their alleged friendship. Kodwa,
meanwhile, became Mokonyane’s ‘special adviser’ in 2013 , towards
the end of her stint as premier.^1
I wondered whether Kodwa had perhaps met Sodi during this time
and for some reason ended up on Blackhead’s payroll. I expressly
asked Sodi’s lawyer if the ‘Zizi’ listed in Blackhead’s bank statements
was the ANC’s well-known spin doctor. If it was a different Zizi, could
nora
(Nora)
#1