Child Development

identity (Kail and Cavanaugh 2000). Although young
children often say things like ‘‘I want to be a doctor,’’
it is not until adolescence that career goals are clari-
fied in the context of identity development. Young
adolescents explore career goals that fit with their
personality and interests. A thirteen-year-old who en-
joys and excels at science may express interest in
being a science teacher or a doctor. During this crys-
tallization phase choices are tentative, and teens may
explore a number of career options. By late adoles-
cence, many teenagers make choices that limit career
options by choosing a job or additional education
and/or training (specification). With this the career
path begins to be incorporated into their identity.
Once individuals enter their chosen job or career (im-
plementation), it becomes a part of how they see
themselves.

Unlike most Caucasian adolescents, minority ad-
olescents must decide the degree to which their racial
or cultural background will be part of their identity
(Phinney and Kohatsu 1997). Painful issues surround-
ing identification with a minority subculture, such as
racism and inequality, can lead some minority adoles-
cents to avoid the issue through foreclosure or diffu-
sion. In particular, during early adolescence minority
teenagers may deny any interest in their racial or cul-
tural background. However, as they become more
aware of the conflicts between their subculture and
the dominant culture, minority adolescents often
begin to explore their heritage. Interactions with
other members of the same culture, and attendance
at religious services or cultural celebrations, can in-
crease the adolescents’ knowledge and encourage a
sense of pride in their ethnic background. Achieving
a positive ethnic identity is associated with higher self-
esteem and better grades, as well as better relations
with family and friends. The most positive outcome
appears to be achievement of a bicultural identity that
allows the adolescent to function effectively in either
setting (Phinney and Kohatsu 1997).

Identity achievement during adolescence serves
as a basis for our adult expectations and goals for our-
selves (Whitbourne 1987). As individuals enter early
adulthood they use their current understanding of
who they are to develop a lifespan construct which
serves as the link between the identity developed in
adolescence and the adult self (Kail and Cavanaugh
2000). The lifespan construct is an integration of an
individual’s past, present, and culture. This construct
includes a scenario and a social clock. The scenario is
the individual’s expectation of what they will do in the
future (e.g., go to medical school and establish a prac-
tice in family medicine), and the social clock links
these events to the age when they will happen (e.g.,
get married by age thirty). The experience people ac-

quire throughout life leads to continuous modifica-

tions in the life construct. Nevertheless, adults who

feel they have (to some degree) met their life goals are

more likely to experience the sense of fulfillment that

Erikson called generativity in middle adulthood and

ego integrity in old age.

Identity development is ultimately the result of a

lifelong journey. The person that people ultimately

become is unique, however the process by which iden-

tity develops is similar among individuals. Although

identity development is most often associated with

adolescence, each developmental stage offers oppor-

tunities for reevaluation and modification.

See also: PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT; SELF-

CONCEPT

Bibliography

Bullock, Merry, and Paul Lukenhaus. ‘‘Who Am I? The Develop-

ment of Self-Understanding in Toddlers.’’ Merrill-Palmer

Quarterly 36 (1990):217–238.

Herdt, Gilbert, ed. ‘‘Introduction: Gay and Lesbian Youth, Emer-

gent Identities, and Cultural Scenes at Home and Abroad.’’

In Gay and Lesbian Youth. New York: Harrington Park Press,

1989.

Kail, Robert V., and John C. Cavanaugh. Human Development: A

Lifespan View, 2nd edition. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2000.

Marcia, James. ‘‘Identity and Self-Development.’’ In Richard Ler-

ner, Anne Peterson, and Jeanne Brooks-Gunn eds., Encyclope-

dia of Adolescence (Vol. 1). New York: Garland, 1991.

Mondimore, Francis M. A Natural History of Homosexuality. Balti-

more: John Hopkins University Press, 1996.

Phinney, Jean, and E. L. Kohatsu. ‘‘Ethnic and Racial Identity De-

velopment and Mental Health.’’ In John Schulenberg, Jenni-

fer Maggs, and Klaus Hurrelmann eds., Health Risks and

Developmental Transitions during Adolescence. Cambridge, Eng.:

Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Whitbourne, Susan. ‘‘Personality Development in Adulthood and

Old Age: Relationships among Identity Style, Health, and

Well-being.’’ In K. W. Schaie ed., Annual Review of Gerontology

and Geriatrics (Vol. 7). New York: Springer, 1987.

Youth Indicators. ‘‘Trends in the Well-being of American Youth.’’

Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1993.

Eva G. Clarke

Elaine M. Justice

IMAGINARY AUDIENCE

The term ‘‘imaginary audience’’ was introduced by

David Elkind to refer to the tendency of adolescents

to falsely assume that their appearance or behavior is

the focus of other people’s attention. Having an imag-

inary audience is believed to result in the self-

consciousness that is characteristic of adolescence and

is often linked conceptually with personal fable, which

involves having a strong belief in one’s own unique-

ness. Researchers have assessed imaginary audience

by asking adolescents questions about what they

IMAGINARY AUDIENCE 199