among the sciences and to establish “new frameworks of understand-
ing” (Mustard 2000).
Documenting the Effects of ECD Programs
Evaluating the effects and benefits of ECD programs is difficult.
- First, ECD programs are complex—multiple inputs arrive
through multiple points of entry [i.e., health, education, social
protection, and agriculture sectors converge on multiple benefi-
ciaries (children, families, and communities)], and these inputs
and entry points vary across countries and may change over
time within countries. - Second, evaluations of ECD programs consume many years of
painstaking collection and analysis of data, for many program
effects and outcomes are not visible until later in life (or may
fade over time). - Third, a control group often is not available. When it is avail-
able, ethical issues arise (e.g., the measuring of health problems
or developmental/learning delays without suggesting or provid-
ing medical care or educational services). These issues may be
circumvented in some instances (e.g., when implementing a
large ECD program over time, during which groups that receive
the program later can serve as initial control groups). This ap-
proach has been adopted for Colombia’s Community Welfare
Homes program, Bolivia’s Integrated Child Development Proj-
ect (Behrman, Cheng, and Todd 2000), and the Philippines’s
Early Child Development Project (Armecin and others 2006).
➣ See “Colombia: Challenges in Country-level Monitoring,” by Beatriz
Londoño Soto and Tatiana Romero Rey in this publication.Nevertheless, evaluations of the effect of ECD programs clearly
demonstrate that, for children, the effects are large and yield impres-
sive benefit-cost comparisons. In relation to long-term productivity
and health for children as they mature into adults, the beneficial ef-
fects of ECD programs are overwhelming.
260 J. Fraser Mustard and Mary Eming Young