A Student's Introduction to English Grammar

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(^72) Chapter 4 Clause structure, complements and adjuncts
Max's possessions. And in [b] it is the shoes that are directly acted on by being pur­
chased and taken away.
The indirect object is characteristically associated with the semantic role of recip­
ient, as in these examples. But it may have the role of beneficiary (the one for whom
something is done), as in Do me a fa vour or Call me a taxi, and it may be interpreted
in other ways, as seen from examples like This blunder cost us the match, or 1 envy
you your goodfortune.


Alternation with prepositional construction


Most (but not all) verbs that license two objects also admit a different construction
where there is a direct object and a pp complement (C) headed by to or fo r.
Compare [15] with [16]:

[16] s p C
a. I Sue I gave I the photo I to Max.

s p c
b. We I bought I shoes I fo r them.

Although the meanings are the same as in [15], the syntactic structure is different.
The PPs to Max andfor them are complements (they are licensed by give and buy,
respectively), but they are not objects: they don't have properties [13iii-v]. And
since they are not objects, they can't be indirect objects.^2

Syntactic distinction between direct and indirect object


The main syntactic property distinguishing the two kinds of object is position: when
both occur within the VP - as in canonical clauses - the indirect object precedes the
direct object. Compare [15] above with the ungrammatical orders Sue gave the
photos Max and
1 bought some shoes them.
In addition, the direct object readily undergoes fronting in various non-canonical
constructions, whereas the indirect object is quite resistant to it. Judgements about
the acceptability of clauses with fronted indirect objects vary considerably, depend­
ing in part on the construction, in part on the verb - and in part on the speaker mak­
ing the judgement. But there is no doubt that in general the acceptability of fronted
indirect objects is significantly lower than that of direct objects. In [17] we illustrate
with four non-canonical constructions:


[17] FRONTED DIRECT OBJECT
a. Everything else. she gave him.
II a. What did she buy him?
iii a. He kept the gifts [which she
had given him].
IV a. What a lot of work he gave them!

FRONTED INDIRECT OBJECT
b. %Him. she gave everything else.
b. * Who did she buy these shoes?
b. %They interviewed everyone [whom
she had given gifts].
b. * What a lot of them he gave work!

2 Nevertheless, traditional grammars analyse to Max and for them (or just Max and them) in [16] as
indirect objects. The similarity between between these elements and the corresponding ones in [15],
however, is purely semantic: there is no justification for equating them in terms of syntactic function.
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