BROWNFIELDS 163
of brownfields begins in the definitions and continues through
implementation.
Legally, the EPA uses the definition of brownfield
in Public Law 107-118 (HR 28869), the Small Business
Liability Relief and Brownfields Revitalization Act, signed
into law January 11, 2002. This definition says that “within
certain legal exclusions, the term ‘brownfield site’ means
real property, the expansion, redevelopment, or reuse of
which may be complicated by the presence or potential pres-
ence of a hazardous substance, pollutant, or contaminant.”
Following the definition are pages of exclusions that pri-
marily detail sections of other laws with priority. The pri-
mary statutory authorities citied are: the Clean Water Act,
as amended in 1977; CERCLA of 1980, commonly called
Superfund; the RCRA, as amended in 1984; the Superfund
Amendments and Reauthorization Act (SARA) of 1986;
the Medical Waste Tracking Act of 1988; the Great Lake
Critical Programs Act of 1990; the Clean Air Act of 1990; the
Clean Water Act of 1990; and the Housing and Community
Development Act of 1992.
On many publications and Web pages on brownfields,
the EPA discusses them as “abandoned, idled or under-
used industrial and commercial facilities where expansion
or redevelopment is complicated by real or perceived envi-
ronmental contamination.” This definition facilitates the
EPA’s Brownfields Economic Redevelopment Initiative in
empowering states, communities, and other stakeholders
involved in brownfield revitalization to work together on
redevelopment.
The definitions of brownfields by states are varied, as are
the patterns of implementation. They vary from Missouri,
with one of the oldest and most defined brownfields pro-
grams; to Washington, with an operating program without a
definition; to Alaska, with no definition or program.
Missouri’s complex definition of brownfields comes
from its 1995 brownfields legislation in Chapter 447 of
the Revised Statutes of Missouri (commonly known as
the Brownfields Redevelopment Program). The Missouri
Department of Natural Resources (MDNR) and the Missouri
Department of Economic Development jointly have the fol-
lowing definition. To be a brownfield in Missouri, a project
must meet two criteria:
- All projects must enter and be accepted into the MDNR
Voluntary Cleanup Program which provides property
owners with oversight of and concurrence with all cleanup
activities. - A project will be considered eligible if it meets the fol-
lowing criteria:
(a) The property^ must have been abandoned for at least
three years or underutilized. Real property is under-
utilized if less than 35% of its commercially usable
space is used for its most commercially profitable and
economically productive use.
(b) The property is owned by a local, state, or federal gov-
ernmental agency, or by a private party who is to the
potential responsible party, and the project is endorsed
by the local municipality;
(c) The property is contaminated, or perceived to be con-
taminated, by a hazardous substance; and,
(d) The property is planned to undergo redevelopment
for a commercial, mixed-use, or industrial use that
is expected to create at least 10 jobs or retain at least
25 jobs, or some combination thereof.
The state of Washington discusses brownfields as “the short-
hand term for historically contaminated and underutilized or
vacant industrial property” on its Web page. In some litera-
ture it defines brownfields as “properties that are abandoned
or underused because of environmental contamination for
past industrial or commercial practices.” However, there is
not a definition in any state statute or regulation. If the public
thinks a site is a brownfield—it is. Nevertheless, Washington
maintains an active brownfields program, with a showcase
project in Seattle and King County as its model. That project
is discussed in the case study below.
ASSOCIATED ISSUES: ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
AND BANKING
Many contaminated properties are located in areas such as
older urban centers, where a high proportion of the residents are
minorities, have low incomes, or do not have English as their
first language. These common problems reflect the economic
limitations faced by disadvantaged individuals. Therefore, dis-
advantaged communities must overcome special barriers to
effectively advocate for their community interests during the
review and permitting of projects with potential environmental
impacts. This created environmental injustice. In 1982, Warren
County was the poster child for environmental injustice and
documented racism. That year, citizens banded together and
made the Warren County PCB landfill protest a seminal event
for the environmental-justice movement. The North Carolina
Environmental Justice Network (NCEJN) was formed, and it
became a catalyst that galvanized people of color in the fight
for environmental justice. The struggle in Warren County was
the spark that lit that national environmental-justice movement
in the 1980s.
In its most basic interpretation, environmental justice
(EJ) is the principle that all people have the right to be pro-
tected from environmental pollution and to receive a fair
share of environmental benefits. It combines environmen-
tal protection with considerations of nondiscrimination and
civil rights. Many organizations have been formed on the
model of the NCEJN to support these principles locally.
Additionally, governments have provided support through
agencies such as the Oregon Governors Environmental
Justice Advisory Board.
EJ policies seek to level the playing field by providing
disadvantaged communities with technical and organiza-
tional support, by providing special scrutiny for proposed
projects in EJ communities that might result in significant
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