32 The Americas The Economist July 10th 2021
der  Mr  Moïsethesituation grewworse.
Critics  accusedhim ofusinggangs toa
greater extenttodohisbidding,whilehav
ing far lesscontroloverthem,thanprevi
ous presidents.Inrecentweeksfightingin
PortauPrincehasintensified;thousands
of  people  hadtofleetheirhomesinJune
alone.  By  someestimates,kidnappingsin
Haiti tripledlastyearcomparedwith2019.
AlthoughMrMoïsehasbeenthefocus
of  much  discontent,hisdeathisunlikely
to simplifythings.“Hewasa complicated
and  flawedperson, but thepeople who
made  himthesinglefocusofallthatis
wrong in thesystemofHaitimissthelarg
er  failuresofthatsystem,”saysMichael
Deibert, an AmericanexpertonHaiti.
Mr  Joseph has little legitimacy. Mr
Moïse  had  nominatedArielHenry,a doc
tor,aspermanentprimeminister;hewas
duetotakeofficeonthedayoftheassassi
nation.Theconstitutiondoesnotprovide
forthelackofbotha presidentanda Na
tionalAssembly,andthechiefjusticeof
theSupremeCourt,who couldarbitrate,
diedtwoweeksagoofcovid19. Thekilling
couldalsomakeithardertoholdelections
fora newpresidentandlegislature,which
aredueinSeptember.
InmanywaysHaitialreadylookslikea
failedstate.Menwithgunshavelongter
roriseditspeople.OnlylastmonthJimmy
Chérisier,aliasBarbecue,a formerpolice
manandleaderofanallianceofgangs,an
nounceda “revolution”againstthestatus
quo(thoughmanythinkhemeanttheop
position).Thepoliceareweakerthanthe
gangs,whomaynowfeeltheyhavea free
hand.Nowthatlawlessnesshasreached
thecountry’shighestoffice,manyHaitians
feartheworst.nColombiaBlocking the
schoolhouse door
L
earning hasalways  been  difficult  for
Samuel Duván Rodríguez, a sevenyear
old  with  a  neurodevelopmental  disorder.
It has become tougher still since his school
in  Bogotá,  Colombia’s  capital,  closed  be
cause of covid19. His mother says he uses
her phone to log in to his teacher’s lessons.
But he seems to take in little. It doesn’t help
that he has to share the device with his ten
yearold  brother.  Lately,  however,  neither
child is learning anything at all, as all their
teachers have been on strike.
If all goes to plan, schools in Colombia
will  finally  reopen  over  the  next  two
weeks, with most back by July 15th. Better
late than never. Schools in Mexico and Bra
zil  have  already  started  to  resume  inper
son  teaching.  By  contrast,  in  Colombia
children  have  borne  one  of  the  longest
educational lockdowns in Latin America. 
Mostly this is due to Fecode, the power
ful state school teachers’ union. It is part of
the  national  strike  committee  that  con
vened  the  antigovernment  protests  that
have convulsed Colombia since April 28th.
As thousands took to the streets, its mem
bers refused to teach for at least 50 days. On
July 8th, as The Economistwent to press, it
was planning another march in the capital
against reopening schools. 
The union is one of the most powerful
in  Latin  America,  a  region  already  full  of
overmighty  unions.  Fully  87%  of  Colom
bia’s publicschool teachers signed up to it.
It  has  a  history  of  throwing  its  weight
around. In 2015 it went on strike to oppose
a proposal to use more stringent measures
to evaluate teachers; after three weeks, the
government caved in. Since then the union
has  felt  emboldened,  says  Isabel  Segovia,
an education analyst. 
The pandemic has further strengthened
it.  Fecode  teachers  initially  refused  to
teach because they believed it put them at
risk of catching the virus, with some good
reason.  Around  11%  of  Colombia's  schools
lack running water, making handwashing
impossible. Even so much of the reason for
the strike is political: the union wants a ba
sic income programme that would cost 6%
of gdpand to help elect a leftwing govern
ment in next year’s elections.
Nelson Alarcón, a union leader, says all
teachers  should  be  vaccinated  before  Fe
code agrees to resume classes. Ideally, chil
dren  should  be  vaccinated,  too.  All  teach
ers should stop working, he says, until the
government  adapts  every  school  with  waB OGOTÁ
A powerful teaching union tries to
keep pupils at homeUrbanmalaiseQuitting the city
Q
uitohasalotgoingforit.Stretched
along  a  breathtakingly  high  Andean
valley  beneath  snowcapped  volcanoes,
Ecuador’s  capital  is  packed  with  historic
buildings  and  enticing  eateries.  But  it  is
woefully governed. In June the city council
impeached  Jorge  Yunda,  the  mayor;  he  is
charged  with  failing  to  hold  city  council
meetings that would have solved an under
groundrailway crisis. He is also under in
vestigation by the attorneygeneral’s office
on  suspicion  of  embezzlement  related  to
the purchase of faulty covid19 tests (he de
nies both the embezzlement and the faulty
tests).  On  July  1st  the  impeachment  proceedings were affirmedby  the  electoral
court.  Mr  Yunda  now  wears  an  electronic
tag so that the authorities can monitor his
movements.
The  mayor  is  not  the  only  problem.  A
shiny  underground  railway  costing  $2bn
has yet to be finished after five years of dig
ging. Buses careen through the streets with
little  regard  for  road  rules.  Crime  is  rife:
two  policemen  were  shot  in  their  car  in
June and a prominent criminal lawyer was
gunned down in April. The 500year old ci
ty  “needs  to  be  reinvented”,  says  Gonzalo
Ortiz, a former city councillor. 
Quiteños  tend  to  point  to  2007  as  the
turning  point  in  the  city’s  fortunes,  when
Rafael  Correa,  a  populist,  became  presi
dent.  His  government  pushed  through  a
new constitution that called city adminis
trations  “autonomous  decentralised  gov
ernments”,  but  in  practice  weakened  the
authority of mayors. Even so the mayor of
Quito at the time, Augusto Barrera, was an
ally; he also stripped the vast metropolitan
region’s districts of their power.
The  new  model  failed  to  deliver  the
promised  benefits.  A  new  airport  took
three  more  years  to  complete  than
planned;  Mr  Barrera’s  administration
failed to build a proper access road to it (it
was finally completed, five times over bud
get, by his successor). A project to clean up
the  main  river  in  the  city  was  never  com
pleted; it remains a sewer. Mr Barrera start
ed the railway project but only oversaw the
building of two stations and did not bother
to work out who would run it. 
In  2019  Mr  Yunda  won  office  with  just
21% of the vote. His weak mandate has not
helped matters, but he argues that now he
is being targeted by a racist elite (he is of in
digenous  heritage).  Whatever  the  cause,
his  shoddy  management  of  the  capital
means that many are abandoning it for the
wealthier  suburbs,  whicharenow  think
ing of seceding. Mr Yunda’slegacy may be
an emptier, poorer Quito.nQ UITO
Ecuadorians are fed up with the capitalPretty but dysfunctional