is a sufficient or necessary condition for the existence of demands for politi-
cal autonomy. The primordialisttheory of nationalism sees nations as
organic ethnic communities with distinct languages, cultures, physiog-
nomies, and homelands. Nationalism occurs when such communities
demand self-determination from a ‘polyethnic’ state. This view of national-
ism is backed by the fact that ‘ethnicity remains a powerful, explosive and
often durable force’, generating strong feeling of belonging, obligation, and
dignity. Its persistence in advanced industrial democracies shows it is not
eroded by the forces of modernization (Smith, A. D., 1995, pp. 33–47).
There are competing theories of nationalism such as the situationalist
which sees claims to nationhood as based on a sense of common interest and
self-preservation among people confronted by a threat to their well-being
from uneven economic development, ‘internal colonialism’ and other forms
of discrimination. Ethnic characteristics become important in defining group
identity when the circumstances (or situation) make it rational to act defen-
sively. Activists are needed to mobilize ethnic consciousness as a basis for
interest articulation. Constructivisttheory sees nationalism as an ideology
wielded by political élites to legitimize their demands for power. Nationalist
ideology consists of myths about community ancestry, history, culture and
homeland to provide people with a sense of identity, an understanding of
contemporary problems, and prescriptions for their solution (Brown, 2000).
These interpretations underpin some of the explanations that have been
offered for political secession as a destabilising force in Third World states.
Any attempt to find a simple causal explanation of nationalism and sepa-
ratism is probably doomed to failure by the sheer diversity of the phenome-
non. The history of nationalism reveals wide differences in the size,
cohesiveness and mobilization of ethnic communities, in the goals of nation-
alist movements, in the threats that they pose to existing states, in the eco-
nomic contexts in which ethno-nationalism is found, and in the political
methods chosen by nationalist movements (Zubaida, 1978; Kellas, 1991,
pp. 132–4). An exhaustive review of the literature on nationalism in the Third
World is well beyond the scope of this chapter. All that can be attempted is a
critical look at the theoretical perspectives which seem to be of greatest value
for understanding why part of a country might seek to break away.
Political integration
The theory of political integration attaches great weight to ethnicity in
explaining separatism. In the Third World context this emphasizes the fact
200 Understanding Third World Politics