10 Barack H. Obama: The Unauthorized Biography
a Democratic Society (SDS) in the wake of the New York City teachers’ strike, and then scuttling
SDS from within, in a matter of months? Only historical background can clarify the question of how
Obama’s penchant for associating with known criminals makes him the most radical subversive
ever to get this close to the presidency.
The public is being urged to regard Obama as a politician of phenomenal organizational ability
because of his ability to game the absurd rules of the Democratic Party. But what if Obama had
been a protected asset of Zbigniew Brzezinski and the Trilateral Commission since about 1981-
1983, and a man whose entire career has been fostered and promoted by the Trilateral-Bilderberger
Wall Street group? What if Obama’s campaign ran on Rockefeller-Soros Trilateral cash, with the
backing of the matchless Trilateral network of media whores and agents of influence? Here again,
adequate historical background is necessary.
The last time that the Trilateral Commission fielded a relatively unknown puppet with the goal
of seizing power through an insurgency based on surprise, the result was the catastrophic presidency
of Jimmy Carter, who turned foreign affairs over to Brzezinski, while placing economic policy in
the hands of Trilateral agent Paul Adolph Volcker, who destroyed what was left of the US industrial
economy. Today Obama is attempting to profile himself as something of an economic populist.
Only an appeal to history can show how today’s Trilateral puppet Obama will go beyond
yesterday’s Trilateral puppet Carter, this time imposing austerity in the name of third world
solidarity, sacrifice in the name of global warming, and perhaps even reparations for racism. As
with Carter, the beneficiaries will be the Rockefeller-Soros Wall Street interests.
Obama promises hope and change, but his campaign bears uncanny similarities to the early days
of Italian fascism in 1919-1922. Only historical background can show the many parallels between
Obama and the young Mussolini.
This book is not an invitation to contemplation. It is a call to mobilize. At this writing, we are at
the half-way point in a postmodern fascist coup in the United States. There is still time to prevent
this coup from succeeding.
In January 1933, just before Hitler seized power, people in Germany were as careworn and
overwhelmed and overstressed as many Americans feel today. A combination of bankers and
corporate chiefs had decided they needed more than a dictator; they needed a dictator with his own
private army of street fighters, the storm troopers. The Social Democrats (the SPD) were a huge
mass party backed up by trade unions, sports clubs, women’s groups, and their own self-defense
corps, but they dithered and dawdled and talked about a general strike, and never did anything. The
communists (the KPD) were also a large mass party, with a big organization of unemployed
workers, and their own self-defense corps of armed veterans. But the communists were convinced
that they had been living under fascism for a long time, and that the Social Democrats were really
social fascists and therefore even worse than Hitler. So nobody called a general strike to stop Hitler
when this would have been possible. Many of the SPD and KPD leaders who refused to mobilize
against the National Socialist seizure of power soon had to flee the country when their parties were
outlawed and their members expelled from the parliament by the Nazis. Many of those who stayed
behind were either assassinated in the streets, or died in concentration camps. Perhaps we can learn
something from this chilling example of the importance of mobilizing while mobilization is still
possible.
If this book attracts some readers, the Obama campaign will inevitably attempt to vilify me as a
racist. I therefore state formally that I am not a racist, but just the opposite. I am convinced that race
is a mystification with no scientific basis whatsoever. Politics and government based on race are