0195182863.pdf

(Barry) #1
High-ranking retired officers and civilian military leaders assert that a highly quali-
fied, racially diverse officer corps is essential to national security. (Grutter, 3–4)


  1. Sander, “Systematic Analysis.” Sander finds that only some of the difference be-
    tween how white students and students of color fare can be attributed to divergences in
    entering credentials. He attributes most of the remaining difference to the results of affir-
    mative action, that is, that students of color are not well-matched with the law schools they
    attend.

  2. Id.; a number of the critiques of Sander’s study, his statistics, and the issue he
    raises regarding affirmative action were published in the Stanford Law Review in 2005; see,
    e.g., Dauber, “The Big Muddy.” In addition to disputing his quantitative methods and
    specific results, critics have also argued against the potential policy implications Sander
    draws regarding affirmative action. Sander himself characterized the question of “the con-
    sequences of eliminating racial preferences on the production of black lawyers” as a “side
    issue” in his original article, and at times seems to take seriously the fact that there is much
    that needs to be researched and considered before coming to any firm conclusion as to
    the best policy response to his findings. Sander, “Reply,” 1996, 2003, 2013.

  3. Wilkins, “A Systematic Response”; Chambers et al., “The Real Impact”; see also
    Sander, “Reply,” 2003: “It is of course true that ending racial preferences in law admis-
    sions would substantially reduce black enrollments at elite law schools. This is a real and
    valid concern, as I noted... , and it would clearly be a central concern in actual discus-
    sions aimed at addressing the mismatch effect.”

  4. If it is clear that abolishing affirmative action would roll back any progress that
    has been made to date at desegregation of the elite law schools, then it seems likely that a
    diminished supply of black graduates from the elite schools might translate to an even
    smaller supply of potential black law professors than currently exists. (There is apparently
    some debate over the effect on upper echelons of the profession, but certainly one point
    of view states that the most elite law firms tend to draw from the most elite law schools,
    including when hiring black students.) Sander dismisses Ayres and Brooks’s suggestion
    that stereotype threat might affect black students’ performance, but it is possible that ste-
    reotype threat is just one example of a wider set of cultural problems that remains largely
    unexamined and unstudied in law schools. Sander, “Reply,” 1963; see Ayres and Brooks,
    “Affirmative Action.” From an anthropological vantage, the many reports of discomfort
    and alienation from law students of color open the possibility of a different kind of “mis-
    match,” one created by divergent understandings and communications, by unconscious
    or implicit bias, by social gaps that result from a legacy of discrimination and segregation.
    Sander himself, in earlier work with Gulati, helped to reveal differential “pockets” of alien-
    ation among law students of color. Gulati et al., “The Happy Charade” (although this would
    of course be only one piece of a larger picture). Orfield and Whitla have documented the
    differentially segregated experience of white students at Michigan and Harvard, many more
    of whom had lived and gone to school in exclusively same-race settings than had students
    of color. On the other side, this study has uncovered stark discursive disparities in class-
    room discussions for students of color, a pattern not found in the classes taught by pro-
    fessors of color where there are significant cohorts of students of color. Some aspects of
    discourse patterning may also play a role in racial dynamics in class. We earlier reviewed
    the evidence and arguments that classroom discourse, culture, and overall climate can have
    effects on student confidence and self-concept that are independent of grades. Along similar
    lines, a recent investigation by Yale law students revealed differential discomfort on the
    part of students of color (and female students) regarding seeking out law professors for
    counsel on everything from schoolwork to jobs. These kinds of social and cultural gaps
    have yet to be well studied or accounted for; indeed, it is difficult to imagine them being


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