I28 ARZSTO7LE'S POLZTICS.
based on justice, and therefore in all of them abuse of poner is
possible.
io. 2. ad~lu Tf s~wwv h7+eivrwv K.T.x.
Xq+Bc'vrov has been explained, either I) as neut. or 2) masc. Either
I j* ' when everything, i.e. when all the property of the rich has het.11
exhausted ;' for this meaning of the word cp. iv. 4. 5 8; or 2) ' nhr~l
all the citizens are taken together,' but this is a doubtful use of A,,$-
BCvrov and does not give a good sense.
The passage is a reductio ad absurdum of the previous argu-
ment: ' When the many poor have taken all the property of
the few rich, and the majority go on subdividing among them-
selves, the property of the minority will become smaller anii
sma!ler, and the state will be ruined.'
Or, expressing the same idea in numbers, let us suppose a state
of 1000 citizens. If a mere numerical majority constitutes rightful
sovereignty, 600 citizens may resolve,-and rightly, according io
the hypothesis,- to confiscate the goods of the remaining 400,
and divide them among themselves. Thus 400 will cease to be
citizens. Of the remaining 600, 400 may go on to divide tiit.
property of the others, and thus the state becomes reduced to
400 and so on, till it disappears altogether.
It may be remarked hat in all schemes for the division of
property, the wealth which has been created under a system of
accumulation is supposed to continue when the motives for nc-
cumulation have ceased. The poor are not fitted to govern the
rich. But neither are the rich fitted to govern the poor. The
truth is that no class in the state can he trusted with the intereats
of any other.
- dXXA piv OLX fi v' QfTi #3rlprr r; ,icou UCTljU.
For the virtue of anything is that quality by Tvhich it fulfils its
oivn proper ipyov. Cp. Plat. Rep. x. 608 E.
- BW OU'W 8 VdPOS PiU d.hlyapXlK& 6; 6lpKpUTlKdF, Ti 6toiUfl ?rfp'r Tiv
+Top'l/A';vow ;
'Even if we assume the law to rule and not the few or man).,
Fvhere is the difference? For the law may only represent the pre-
