44 Europe The Economist October 30th 2021
base effectsandboomingexports.Butin
flation anddevaluationareravagingthe
wages of ordinaryTurks.Indollarterms,
gdp per person,whichgrewsteadilyuntil
2013, is backtowhereitwasin2009.Dur
ing Mr Erdogan’sfirstdecadeinpower(he
first becameprimeministerin2003)mil
lions of Turksworkedtheirwayintothe
middle class.Overthepastcoupleofyears,
according totheWorldBank,3.2mofthem
sank into poverty.
Mr Erdogan’sopponentssmellblood,
calling (in vain)forearlyelections,inthe
knowledge thattheywouldhavea genuine
chance to unseathim.KemalKilicdaroglu,
the head ofthechp, recentlyurgedoffi
cials to stopfollowing“illegalorders”from
Mr Erdoganandwarnedthatthose who
continued todosowouldbeheldaccount
able when theoppositiontookpower.
Since 2016, when an abortive coup
rocked Turkey,themainoppositionhas
deferred to MrErdoganonalmosteveryna
tionalsecurityissue,fromthecountry’s
purchase ofadvancedweaponsfromRus
sia to its armedoffensivesinSyriaandLib
ya. That changedonOctober26th,when
the chp saidit wouldopposerenewingthe
government’smandatetodeploytroopsto
Syria and Iraq.Businesspeoplehavealso
begun to speakup.Turkey’slargestbusi
ness group, tusiad, recentlycalledfora re
turn to centralbankindependenceandthe
separation ofpowers.
Knives out?
There are evensignsthatofficialsandrul
ingparty backbenchersmaybepreparing
for the endoftheErdoganera.Ankarais
awash with allegations that a charity
linked to oneofthepresident’ssonsplaced
hundreds ofsympathisersingovernment
jobs. Leakeddocumentssuggestthechari
ty was allocateda numberofpropertiesthe
governmentseizedfromtheGulencom
munity, the groupinvolved in the 2016
coup. Meanwhile,SedatPeker,afugitive
mobster, continuestoregalehis2mTwit
ter followerswithstoriesimplicatingoffi
cials in crimesrangingfromcorruptionto
drug trafficking.Analystsbelieveatleast
some of theleaksarecomingfromdisaf
fected ak typesorbureaucratseagertodis
tance themselvesfromthegovernment.
But it is fartooearlytowriteoffMrEr
dogan. Turkey’sleadercontinuestotower
over the country’s politicsand to com
mand the loyaltyoftensofmillionsofpeo
ple, the mediaandstateinstitutions,in
cluding thecourtsandthepolice. More
troublingly,heandhisentouragemaybe
capable of desperatemeasurestoclingon
to power. MrErdogan’slatestshowdown
with the Westwillnotbehislast.Another
military offensive inSyria, andanother
wave of repressionathome,maybearound
the corner aswell.MrErdoganwillsurely
not go quietly.n
TheEU’sborders
Wire transfer
T
heeuropeanunionhasa firmstance
onpaying forborder walls:itwon’t.
Even after Europe’s migration crisis in
201516,when1.4mpeoplearrived,many
fleeingSyria’scivilwar,theEuropeanCom
missionsentHungaryawaywitha fleain
itsnationalearwhenitaskedforreim
bursementforfencingoffitsborderwith
Serbia,oneofthemainentrypoints.
NothingintheSchengenBordersCode,
which governs border management, a
sharedresponsibilitybetweentheeuand
itsmemberstates,stopsthecommission
frompayingfor fences.Buttheview in
Brusselsisthattheyarecostlyandineffec
tive.Theycanbeclimbed.Theydivertrath
er than deter migrants. And they get in the
way of genuine refugees with the right to
asylum. The eu sends border guards and
pays for highertech solutions instead.
But the commission is now being urged
to change its mind. This comes as the
number of firsttime asylumseekers this
spring has almost doubled compared with
2020 (when covid19 made moving hard).
Meanwhile, Belarus is mischievously try
ing to herd Iraqi asylumseekers into Lith
uania, Latvia and Poland, perhaps in retali
ation for eusanctions on its electionrig
ging government. And many Europeans
expect a lot of Afghans to arrive soon. This
month 12 member states wrote to the com
mission requesting changes in how the eu
tackles border security. Among other
things, they want Brussels to pay for fenc
es. A physical barrier “serves the interest of
[the] whole eu, not just member states of
first arrival”, it argues. Such things, it says,
should be “adequately funded from the eu
budget as a matter of priority”.
The group, which includes Hungary,
Latvia, Austria, Poland and Greece, was led
by Lithuania, which wants eutaxpayers to
cover 75% of the €152m ($176m) it will
spend on a threemetrehigh fence on its
border with Belarus. The project is sched
uled for completion next September. This
summer Politico reported that both Lithua
nia and Greece had asked for funding for
their own barriers. Greece wanted help to
pay for a €60m extension of its fence along
its northeastern border with Turkey. This
is a preemptive move, in case those Af
ghans arrive, and a “necessity” for border
protection, said a Greek spokesman.
The commission has not formally re
sponded. But last week its president, Ursu
la von der Leyen, seemingly rebuffed the
requestata summitofeu leadersinBrus
sels. “There will be no funding for barbed
wire and walls,” she reportedly told the
leaders. But some observers think that
could change if enough member states
continue to push hard.
The commission is already taking a
tougher approach to migration. The eu’s
joint border force, Frontex, is getting more
money and people; and the commission
has also proposed creating a unionwide
deportation coordinator, though squab
bling over which eu countries should take
how many asylumseekers has held this
up. The eu’s commissioner for home af
fairs, Ylva Johansson of Sweden, has
praised fencing as a tactic to slow migra
tion. On a recent visit to Lithuania, she
called the country’s fencea “good idea”. eu
commissioners have learned from the mi
grant crisis of 201516 that taking in lots of
asylumseekers comes with a political
cost, says Roderick Parkes, of the German
Council on Foreign Relations, a Berlin
based think tank. Building a wall doesn’t.
European countries have built about
1,000km (600 miles) of border fencing over
the past 30 years, the bulk of it since 2015.
Today, more than half of all eu states have
some physical barrier at an external bor
der. As fencing becomes more normal, it
will be harder for the commission to refuse
to fund it, Mr Parkes says. Member states
will argue that physical barriers are now
part of the routine border protection that
the eu shares a responsibility to fund. And
even if the eu won’t pay up, some states
have found ways to build fences without
springing all the costs on their own taxpay
ers. Lithuania, for example, won’t be pay
ing for its barrier alone. The Czech Repub
lic has already committed to send the
country €530,000 to speed up the work.n
Several eu members want handouts for
barriers to keep migrants out
Build a wall and get Brussels to pay for it