58 TheAmericas TheEconomistOctober30th 2021
that are below the minimum wage of
337,000 pesos ($418) a month. There were
large protests in 2006, 2011 and 2016 calling
for reforms to these areas, but many feel
little has changed. Those who can afford to
seek private schools and health care. This
year Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, a political
scientist, published a survey of 137 manag
ers and board members from the country's
largest 500 companies. Just under half said
their parents were educated in private
schools, but 96% said their children were.
Those in power often seem uncon
cerned by the gulf between the rich and the
poor. After raising metro fares at peak
hours in October 2019, Juan Andrés Fon
taine, the economy minister, said Chileans
could “wake up earlier” if they wanted to
avoid paying the higher costs. Few Chil
eans set much store by the political sys
tem. Trust in institutions is low (see chart);
electoral participation is exceptionally so.
The Pinochetera constitution, adopted
in 1980, was designed to give a dispropor
tionate role to the right, argues Claudia
Heiss of the University of Chile. Seats were
reserved for the army in the Senate (which
remained the case until 2005), while
unusually high thresholds were put in
place to change laws that would give the
state a bigger role in the provision of cer
tain services, such as education. Despite
the fact that centreleft presidents have
mostly been in power, they had to negoti
ate extensively with the opposition. This
made politics seem like “a cartel”, says Ste
ven Levitksy of Harvard University.
Initially, it seemed that writing a new
constitution could help bring more legiti
macy to a discredited system. Last year the
turnout for the referendum over whether
or not a new constitution should be writ
ten was, at 51%, among the highest since
voting became voluntary in 2012 (78% vot
ed yes). Young and poor people’s participa
tion grew the most. Though Chileans’ trust
in the convention has recently dipped, it is
still far above that in Congress and politi
cal parties. Juan Pablo Luna, a political sci
entist at Chile’s Catholic University, claims
thattheconventionhasledtoa “revindica
tionofpolitics”amongyoungpeople.
Butliberalsareincreasinglyalarmedby
thedirectionthattheconvention,stuffed
fullofpoliticalnewbies,istaking.Inearly
October,theassemblyfinishedapproving
itsrulesofprocedure.Oneoftheseimpos
espenaltiesfor“denialoromission”ofhu
manrights violationscommitted by the
dictatorshipandbythestateinthecontext
ofthe 2019 uprising.Thevaguenessofthe
ruleisworrying,thinksSergioVerdugo,a
constitutionalexpert.Hisconcernisthat
theconvention’sindifferent approachto
freedomofspeechcouldbereflectedinthe
finalconstitution.
Similarlya groupledbytheCommunist
Party is trying to circumvent rules that
mean every part of the charter is approved
by a twothirds majority. Indeed, leftists
have the most sway in the assembly. “This
will be the world’s first woke constitution,”
thinks Robert Funk, a political scientist at
the University of Chile.
Allthiswillaffecttheeconomy,which
has been scarred by a long lockdown.
Stricterenvironmentalrules—almostcer
tainlyincludedinthenewconstitution—
mayhindercopperexports,onwhichthe
economydepends.Senatorsareclose to
approvingabilltoletChileansmakean
earlywithdrawalof10%oftheirpension
pots.Thiswouldbethefourthtimesuchan
emergencymeasurehaspassedsinceco
vid19startedsqueezingfamilybudgets.It
islikelytospurannualinflation,whichhit
a sevenyearhighof5.3%lastmonth.
Meanwhiletheviolenceislikelytocon
tinue.OnOctober8tha leftistmemberof
theconventionwashoundedbyanangry
mobinSantiago,whohurledstonesather
andbrandedhera “sellout”forcontem
plating working with centrist members.
Chile’s more aspirational politicians have
often compared the country to Finland.
But the events of recentweeksand years
suggest that it actually resembles one of its
dysfunctional neighbours.n
The big chill
Chile, public trust in institutions
% responding “a lot” or “quite a lot”
Source:CentreforPublicStudies
Politicalparties
Congress
Government
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Police
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August 201 August 2021
Digitalcurrencies
Red, white and blue tape
S
aily de amarillois an entrepreneur in
a system that discourages diversity. In
Havana she runs a boutique hotel, a café
and a coworking space. She also teaches
people about social media on Slyk, a web
site that has taken off in Cuba. Slyk gives
her an online presence without having to
build a website. Even more important, she
can be paid for her work in cryptocurrency.
Parts of Latin America and the Caribbe
an are experimenting with alternatives to
cash. In September Nayib Bukele, the pres
ident of El Salvador, introduced a law
which makes bitcoin, a cryptocurrency, le
gal tender. Mr Bukele, who is increasingly
authoritarian, pushed through the law de
spite the fact few Salvadoreans actually
want to use crypto. Nicolás Maduro, Vene
zuela’s autocrat, may have been hoping to
catch some of the same headlines when he
announced the country’s new “digital boli
var” in August. Digital in name only, the
new banknotes lop six zeros off a currency
ravaged by years of hyperinflation. Locals,
tired of carrying bundles of cash, use mo
bile payments and debit cards instead.
Cuba is part of this trend—but, as ever
with the communist island, with a twist of
its own. Interest in crypto had been bub
bling for a while, but took off properly late
last year, when President Donald Trump
imposed sanctions on organisations affili
ated with the Cuban armed forces. That in
cluded the banks which process much
needed remittances from family members
abroad. Almost overnight, firms such as
Western Union could no longer operate.
This cut off a lifeline in a country in which
payment firms such as Visa, Mastercard,
Paypal and Stripe were already offlimits.
Accustomed to finding creative work
arounds in desperate situations, Cubans
Cuba’s communist regime is trying to control crypto
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