The Economist October 30th 2021 65
Asia
South-EastAsia
ASEANgst
F
or a seculargrouping, the summitry
of the tenmember Association of
SouthEast Asian Nations (asean), which
this week it is Brunei’s turn to host, has a
decidedly sacramental quality to it. For
one, in nonpandemic years there is al
ways a cathedral—some shiny convention
centre, often freshly built. And there is a
creed to which all bow, the “aseanway”.
Like most dogmas, this one gets ever
squishier towards its core—but the asean
way is precisely about not poking it. One
part of the dogma is all about order, civility
and concord: asean’s hallowed “consen
sus”. An obsession with appearing harmo
nious is perhaps unsurprising in a region
whose modern story is replete with dishar
mony, and whose political systems run
from absolute monarchy (Brunei itself ) to
flawed democracy (the Philippines). The
story is flecked with wars (Indonesia’s un
declared war against Malaysia) and inva
sions (Vietnam’s, of Cambodia). There
have been coups (Thailand), civil wars
(Vietnam) and ethnic or religious pogroms
(Indonesia); Myanmar has had all three. It
all puts a premium on at least outward
shows of agreement in a fissiparous re
gion. The flip side of consensus is a sup
posedly unbending commitment to “non
interference” in other members’ affairs.
Unbending, at least, till now. For in
midOctober, following intense behind
thescenes discussions, asean took the
step of barring General Min Aung Hlaing,
Myanmar’s military ruler, whose coup in
February ousted Aung San Suu Kyi and her
civilian government, from taking his seat
at this week’s summits. In other parts of
the world, this snub to a junta leader who
has imprisoned an elected government,
initiated an orgy of bloodletting and
brought the economy to the point of col
lapse would be a bare minimum (see next
story). Yet in SouthEast Asia it is “the most
severe sanction that asean has handed
down to a fellow member state in over five
decades of diplomacy,” notes Aaron Con
nelly of the International Institute for Stra
tegic Studies, a thinktank in Singapore.
Noninterference, one aseanambassa
dor explains, “doesn’t mean turning a
blind eye and holding your nose”. The Bur
mese junta, badly in need of legitimacy
abroad and respect at home, is appalled.
The general’s exclusion, it declared, was
contrary to the group’s “provisions, objec
tives and cherished principles”.
As for asean, the way its high priests
explained their decision shows a masterly
grasp of liturgical matters. The general’s
disbarring was no departure from the
canon of consensus, they intoned, but
rather a consequence of an earlier “five
point consensus” agreed on with Myanmar
at a special summit in April. It included
initiating dialogue with “all parties”, end
ing violence and allowing an aseanspecial
envoy access to the country. The junta has
done none of these things—the envoy be
ing refused even 15 minutes with Miss Suu
Kyi. Until that consensus is carried
through, a consensus on inviting the gen
eral will have to wait.
A regional club faces its greatest tests yet
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