Concentration on wuwould lead to a breakthrough.
This single word was called a huatou(key word or crit-
ical phrase) and “examining the key word” (kanhua)
was touted as a shortcut method. It had to be experi-
enced, like the sword of the barbarian enemy, as an
immediate problem of life and death. This contem-
plation became mainstream Chan practice in China,
Japan, Korea, and Vietnam, for it could be used even
during everyday activities.
Zonggao attacked MOZHAOCHAN(SILENT ILLUMI-
NATIONCHAN) as the heresy of quietism, which lacks
self-doubt. The barb was aimed at Hongzhi Chengjue
(1091–1157) of the Caodong house, and at meeting the
demands for a patriotic Buddhism after the loss of
North China to the Jürchens in 1126. Asserting that
the mundane law is the same as the Buddha Law, Zong-
gao maintained that one had to be active, not pacifist
and quietist. This patriotic Chan resulted in the build-
ing of the “Five Mountain and Ten Monasteries” net-
work, wherein the state appointed Chan abbots, whose
sermons and rituals were for the salvation of the state
and sentient beings.
Modern Chan
Having long been part of the Buddhist establishment,
Chan became less distinguishable from Buddhism in
general after the Song dynasty. While it maintained the
distinctively Chan technique of kanhua,it also adopted
elements of the Pure Land devotions, and fought the
rising tide of syncretism.
The state Chan and gong’anpractice extended into
the Yuan dynasty (1279–1368), which codified the
qinggui (pure rules) in 1336. The qingguiand the
preceding Song-dynasty codes evidence increasing
monastic bureaucracy, hierarchy, and prayers for em-
perors. The 1336 code essentially remained the rule
book for Chan thereafter, and the Ming dynasty
(1368–1644) mandated it as the code for all monks,
Chan or not. Gaofeng Yuanmiao (1238–1295) clarified
the technique of DOUBTin kanhua,stating that one first
needed a basis in FAITH, then furious determination,
and finally intense doubt. His pupil Zhongfeng Ming-
ben (1263–1323) combined kanhuaand Yanshou’s
nianfo Chan,and ZHUHONG(1532–1612) developed it.
By the late Ming, disputes between the Caodong and
Linji houses discredited Chan monks, so lay Chan ad-
herents rose to prominence in the succeeding Manchu
Qing dynasty (1644–1912). While many followed the
ways of Zhuhong and DEQING(1546–1623), laymen
like Qian Qianyi (1582–1684) claimed that Chan had
been so formalized that “today’s Chan is not Chan, but
simply gong’an.. .blows and shouts... theories of ex-
pedient means.”
In the twentieth century, monastic Chan was re-
vived by Xuyun (ca. 1840–1959) and other reformers,
but was largely confined to the large monasteries of
Jiangsu and Zhejiang. Linji Chan membership was
generally nominal, lineage outranked doctrine. Since
the 1980s, there has been a resurgence of interest in
Chan, mostly an intellectual curiosity about this most
Chinese form of Buddhism.Monastic routine.Descriptions of monastic routine
in the first half of the twentieth century show that sit-
ting in meditation and concentration on huatouwere
the norm. Although prayers for rain, funeral cere-
monies, and anniversaries of Chan and monastic
founders played a part, meditation was still the prime
practice in major Chan monasteries. With the excep-
tion of administrators and service-providers, the other
monks lived, meditated, and slept in the chantang
(Japanese, zendo; meditation hall), also called sengtang
(monks’ hall). Contemplatives sat on meditation
benches lining the walls, and exercised between med-
itation sessions by circumambulating in the vacant
center, which contained only an image of Bodhid-
harma or MAHAKAS ́YAPA. During intensive meditation
periods, monks typically meditated nine hours per day,
slept five hours, rising at 3:00 A.M. and retiring at 10:00
P.M. The monks could consult the abbot or instructor
regarding their meditation practice. Summer was for
pilgrimage, consultations with other teachers, or re-
laxation. Similar routines are maintained in Korea,
Japan, and Vietnam.Internationalization
The use of Chinese script, the firm establishment of
Buddhism for several centuries, and a desire to reform
Buddhism were preconditions for the acceptance of
Chan Buddhism. Consequently, importation was
made with the assistance of elites. All traditions later
attempted to antedate the earliest transmission to cre-
ate an aura of antiquity and further national pride.Korea (So ̆ ̆n).After scholastic and devotional Bud-
dhism were firmly established in Korea, monks travel-
ing to China from the Korean state of Silla began to
encounter Chan in the early to mid-eighth century.
Chan attracted Korean attention once the exploits of
Musang (684–762), a scion of the royal house of Silla,
who became a famous Chan master in Sichuan, were
reported in Korea. Musang had been an early teacherCHANSCHOOL