Several hagiographies granted to Yang mention the
practice of Buddhism, though these are clearly re-
garded as only one way to approach the proper study
of transcendence found in Daoist scriptures. In addi-
tion, Yang’s transcripts include a series of oral in-
structions from celestial beings that borrow heavily
from the early Chinese Buddhist Sishier zhang jing
(Scripture in Forty-two Sections). Descriptive flourishes
in Shangqing depictions of deities and heavenly locales
also betray new emphases introduced with Buddhism.
The Lingbao (Numinous Treasure) scriptures, com-
piled during the late fourth and early fifth centuries,
represent an attempt at religious synthesis that en-
compassed both Buddhism and early forms of Dao-
ism. Lingbao cosmology, soteriology, attitudes toward
scripture, ecclesiastical organization, and ritual prac-
tice all were adapted from the Buddhism that is at-
tested to in the works of such early translators as Zhi
Qian (fl. 220–250) and Kang Senghui (d. 280). Most
strikingly, the Lingbao scriptures contain reworked
passages from the works of these translators, as well as
passages drawn from earlier Daoist texts, all purport-
edly revealed in their original form, in earlier world-
systems. In this way, the Lingbao scriptures were
portrayed as replacing all earlier sources of religious
knowledge, and they were so represented to the em-
perors of the Liu-Song dynasty (420–479).
Scholars have yet to fully explore what this re-
markable synthesis can reveal of the Buddhist practice
of this period. What is clear is that the idea of SAMSARA,
with its various postmortem destinies and salvation
through transfer of merit, was already widely accepted
among the Chinese populace. The Lingbao scriptures
did not, however, hold NIRVANAas a goal. Rather,
salvific practice was aimed at securing either REBIRTH
into the heavens or into a favorable earthly destina-
tion, such as the family of a “prince or marquis.” This
acceptance of nearly all aspects of Buddhist soteriol-
ogy except nirvana was to characterize Daoism from
this time forward. In the competition for ritual pa-
tronage, Daoists would claim that Buddhism was the
“religion of death,” while their practices were dedi-
cated to “life.” Insofar as the ritual practice of Daoism
took its initial form in these early Lingbao texts, such
attitudes toward Buddhism became a feature of future
interactions between the two religions.
Sixth to tenth centuries
One might construct a history of the vicissitudes of the
two religions on the basis of imperial patronage, be-
ginning with Liang Wudi’s (r. 502–549) suppression of
Daoism, through Zhou Wudi’s (r. 560–578) attempt to
ban Buddhism, the Sui emperors’ support of Bud-
dhism, and the favoritism toward Daoism shown by
the early Tang emperors, who held that they were de-
scended from Laozi. This account, however, would
misrepresent the intense interactions between Bud-
dhism and Daoism during this period. While Buddhists
composed new sutras that foretold the apocalyptic DE-
CLINE OF THE DHARMA, provided charms for personal
protection, accommodated Chinese filial practice or
announced the potential utility of Buddhism as a sup-
port for the state, Daoists produced a number of
lengthy scriptures, such as the Yebao yinyuan jing
(Scripture on Karmic Retribution and Conditions) and
the Benji jing(Scripture on the Origin Point), that ex-
posed similar Daoist concerns while also elaborating
Daoist versions of key Buddhist concepts. These doc-
trinal developments were catalogued in Daojiao yishu
(Pivot of the Dao), which contains sections on “the
three vehicles,” the fashen(dharmakaya), and Dao-
nature, which can be compared to Buddha-nature.
In terms of both doctrine and practice, the Tang dy-
nasty saw further efforts to harmonize the “Three Re-
ligions”—Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism.
Imperial patronage and efforts at control resulted in
doctrinal and organizational systematization for both
Buddhism and Daoism. Daoists created initiation
grades based on the canonical organization of their
scriptural traditions and constructed monasteries
throughout the kingdom, leading to the emergence of
a fully-formed monastic Daoism. Monasteries were the
sites of large-scale ritual performances, such as the
Buddhist Ullambana ritual and the Daoist Retreat of
the Yellow Registers, based on a procedure found in
the early Lingbao scriptures. Both of these rites were
designed to secure the release of the dead from the
HELLSand guide them into more fortunate paths of re-
birth or ascension into the heavens. In this and other
respects, one begins to see, at least among the elite
classes for whom there is a written record, the begin-
nings of competition between Buddhist and Daoist
priests to provide ritual services that were often quite
similar in aim and content.Eleventh to fourteenth centuries
With the better documentation provided by the wide-
spread use of printing and the spread of literacy, an
extremely lively religious scene becomes apparent.
Daoism’s shift from court to local centers, noticed by
modern scholars, is perhaps merely the result of
increased documentation revealing what had beenDAOISM ANDBUDDHISM