aya4:88) state that the period of ascetic practice was
seven years in duration. All accounts depict the bod-
hisattva practicing a regimen characterized by ab-
stemious self-control, but details differ. Some say that
he went unclothed in the manner of some S ́ramanic
groups, that he wore only animal skins or bark cloth-
ing, and that he subsisted on fruits and roots. Some
indicate that his meals consisted only of a single grain
of rice, or a single jujube fruit.
The most critical discrepancy in these accounts of
the bodhisattva’s experiments in asceticism is the fact
that where early sources such as the Sutta Nipata
praise asceticism, later accounts describe the bod-
hisattva reaching a point where he rejects asceticism
and discovers the Middle Way. Later accounts link this
discovery of a PATHbetween the extremes of self-
indulgence and self-mortification to the achievement
of BODHI(AWAKENING). The bodhisattva, according to
these accounts, had reached such a point of emacia-
tion that he could feel his spinal cord by touching his
abdomen (e.g., Majjhima Nikaya1:80, 1: 246). Faint-
ing from hunger and near to death, the bodhisattva
had to rethink his methodology. A critical juncture in
his ascetic regimen occurred when he accepted an of-
fering of rice boiled in milk and was rejected by his
ascetic companions as a hedonist.
To understand why later accounts repudiate asceti-
cism as a path to awakening and link the practice of
the Middle Way to the achievement of awakening, it
is necessary to consider the history of Buddhist en-
gagement with rival religious groups and how polemics
shaped the development of Buddhism in India. As
Buddhism spread from its initial heartland, it became
important that Buddhists take a stand on asceticism so
as to clearly differentiate themselves from other non-
Vedic S ́ramanic groups. Rivalry with Jains was partic-
ularly intense, as Buddhists competed for support from
more or less the same segment of the lay population
that Jain monastics relied upon for their financial sup-
port. Hajime Nakamura (Gotama Buddha,pp. 63ff.)
suggests that antiascetic sentiments began to be ex-
pressed as Buddhists responded to critical remarks
made by Jains to the effect that Buddhist monastics
were lazy and self-indulgent. Nakamura argues that the
biographical tradition of the Buddha’s discovery of the
Middle Way after practicing extreme asceticism was
developed in this polemical context. Other scholars
have focused on internal developments within Bud-
dhism and seen evidence of a historical shift away from
early asceticism. Reginald Ray, for example, argues in
Buddhist Saints in India(pp. 295–317) that ascetic
practices were the central focus of Buddhism in early
days, but later were marginalized with the growth of
settled MONASTICISM.
Historical issues aside, there are other reasons for
ambivalence within Buddhist traditions with regard to
asceticism. On the one hand, ascetic practices are cen-
tral to developing an attitude of being content with lit-
tle, an important aspect of the salutary detachment that
Buddhists seek to inculcate. But on the other hand, as-
ceticism can be practiced for a variety of unwholesome,
self-aggrandizing reasons. Because of concerns about
possible misuse, ascetic practices have been regarded
as optional rather than mandatory aspects of the path.
Lists of ascetic practices differ. In THERAVADAcon-
texts, the classical list of ascetic practices (dhutanga)
includes thirteen items: wearing patchwork robes re-
cycled from cast-off cloth, wearing no more than three
robes, going for alms, not omitting any house while
going for alms, eating at one sitting, eating only from
the alms bowl, refusing all further food, living in the
forest, living under a tree, living in the open air, living
in a cemetery, being satisfied with any humble
dwelling, and sleeping in the sitting position (without
ever lying down). MAHAYANAtexts mention twelve as-
cetic practices (called dhutaguna). They are the same
as the Theravada list except they omit two rules about
eating and add a rule about wearing garments of felt
or wool.
Several of the thirteen dhutangaare virtual emblems
of the SAN ̇GHAin Theravada countries. For example,
at the end of Theravada ordination ceremonies, mem-
bers of the san ̇gha are instructed in the four ascetic cus-
toms known as the four resorts (Pali, nissaya): begging
for alms, wearing robes made from cast-off rags,
dwelling at the foot of a tree, and using fermented cow
urine as medicine (as opposed to more palatable med-
icines like molasses and honey). These four practices,
often mentioned in canonical texts, undoubtedly go
back to the beginnings of Buddhism in India.
Studies of contemporary saints in Buddhist Asia
(such as those by Carrithers, Tambiah, and Tiyavanich)
suggest that those who follow ascetic practices enjoy
tremendous prestige. Bank presidents residing in
Bangkok travel hundreds of miles and endure all kinds
of hardships to visit and make offerings to WILDERNESS
MONKSof the Thai forest traditions. There is no deny-
ing that the Buddhist emphasis on moderation mili-
tates against extreme asceticism. But it is equally clear
from ethnographic and textual studies that ascetic
practices are deeply woven into the fabric of Buddhism.ASCETICPRACTICES