The Economist November 13th 2021 47
China
State-sponsoredhacking
The spectral game
E
arlier thisyear Microsoft found that a
group of hackers, which it called Haf
nium, had broken into hundreds of thou
sands of computer servers around the
world that were running the firm’s mail
and calendar software. The cyberthieves
were stealing emails, documents and other
data from small businesses, ngos and local
governments in an enormous, seemingly
indiscriminate, cyberattack. In July Amer
ica, Britain, other members of natoand
the European Union all blamed China.
America was more specific. It named Chi
na’s civilian intelligence agency, the Min
istry of State Security (mss).
Such coordinated condemnation of
the Chinese government for allegedly
hacking into foreign computer systems
was unprecedented. But it was no surprise
in the West that China appeared to be re
sponsible (as always in such cases, it de
nied involvement).
In 2015, standing next to Xi Jinping at
the White House, Barack Obama said the
two presidents had agreed that neither
country would “conduct or knowingly sup
port cyberenabled theft of intellectual
property” for commercial gain. But cyber
experts say China remains hard at it. In
September attacks allegedly mounted by
the Chinese government included ones
against Indian media firms, Microsoft’s
Windows operating system and Roshan, a
telecoms network in Afghanistan.
Spy agencies everywhere hack into oth
er countries’ computer systems. What irks
Western governments is that China also
steals commercial secrets to pass on to its
companies, whereas there is no evidence
that the West’s spies collude with business
like this. Since Mr Xi took power in 2012,
China’s hacking capabilities have grown.
The Chinese army’s signalsintelli
gence wing, the Third Department, used to
be in charge of such work. It attacked
everyone from American military contrac
tors to Google. In 2014 America’s Depart
ment of Justice formally accused five Chi
nese citizens from the Third Department’s
Unit 61398 of “computer hacking, econom
ic espionage and other offences” against
American companies involved in nuclear
and solar power as well as metal produc
tion. (Those charged were believed to be in
China and have not appeared in court.) By
then, however, control over hacking activ
ities was being transferred to the mss. The
army is still hacking, but its targets are
now mainly government ones.
The msswas first publicly linked to the
hacking of foreign companies in 2017. Its
involvement was exposed by an anony
mous blog called Intrusion Truth, which
monitors such attacks. Several cybersecu
rity firms endorsed its analysis. Later that
year the American government charged
three alleged msshackers in absentia for
attacks on foreign firms. Two of the ac
cused had been identified by the blog.
Attributing cyberattacks to China, let
alone to specific government agencies, is
tricky. Benjamin Read of Mandiant, an
American firm that tries to keep tabs on
who is hacking what, explains that he and
his colleagues gather and analyse telltale
tracks, such as the addresses of computers
used to launch attacks. A single hacking in
cident usually does not leave enough in
formation to identify the culprit: attackers
can give their computers a false address.
But that can be laborious, since, whenever
they use a new address, the hackers must
Despite pledging not to, China still uses hackers to steal business secrets
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