30 Britain TheEconomistNovember20th 2021
Theeconomy
All change
W
onksspentmonthsworriedabout
the thousands of British workers
senthomeduringthepandemic,whothen
lingered on the government’s furlough
scheme.Were they simplybeingstrung
alongbyemployers,tobediscardedonceit
endedonSeptember30th?OnNovember
16th the first batchof postfurlough la
bourmarketdataofferedreassurance.The
numberofpayrolledemployees(thatis,
excluding the selfemployed) grew by
0.6%inOctobercomparedwiththeprevi
ousmonth.Theeconomywillneedthat
dynamismasitadjuststoBrexit,covid19,
climatechange—andmorebesides.
Abigemploymentreshuffleisclearly
underwayinBritain,whichisgoodnews
forgrowthifpeoplemoveintorolesthey
arebettersuitedfor.Theshareofworkers
switchingjobsrosetoa recordhighof3.2%
inthethirdquarteroftheyear(seechart).
Encouragingly,thiswasmostlydrivenby
people resigning rather than being dis
missed.FabriceMontagnéandAbbasKhan
ofBarclays,a bank,notethatthismobility
wasbroadbased,havingnowspreadbe
yondpeoplewithhighlyskilledjobs.
Othermeasuresofdynamismarelook
ingup,too.JointresearchfromtheCentre
forEconomicPerformanceandtheResolu
tion Foundation, two thinktanks, ana
lysestheDecisionMakerPanel,a surveyof
Britishcompanies.Itsuggeststhatfinan
cial officers expect the reallocation of
workersfromshrinkingtogrowingcom
panies(ameasureofdynamism)tospeed
upinthecomingyear.A differentbusiness
surveyfoundthatby Julythisyearover
60%ofcompanieshadengagedinproduct
innovationandnearly70%hadadopted
Thewheelsaregreased.Butwhatabout
theengine?
Revolving door
Britain, job-to-job moves*, % of workforce
Source: Labour Force Survey *Aged 16-69
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
1.0
052001 10 15 21
Asianswingvoters
Blue light
“I
have been here many times,” de
clared Boris Johnson as he and Priti Pa
tel, the home secretary, toured a Hindu
temple in north London (pictured) on No
vember 7th to mark Diwali. And indeed so:
he had last dropped in days before the elec
tion of 2019. His predecessors, Theresa
May and David Cameron, visited too.
Such trips reflect not only the goodwill
that leaders extend to many faith groups,
but also the growing potential for the To
ries to scoop up support from BritishIndi
an voters. The Labour Party still enjoys a
tenpercentagepoint lead over them
among British Indians, who also prefer Sir
Keir Starmer, Labour’s leader, to Mr John
son. But Labour’s historical advantage has
eroded, while support for the Tories has re
mained stable. The result, according to a
study published on November 18th by the
Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace and Johns Hopkins School of Ad
vanced International Studies, is a growing
pool of British Indians who are undecided
or aligned to third parties.
These swing voters are in theory ripe for
wooing. But they are not a homogeneous
bloc. Moreover, much of the received wis
dom in Westminster about what makes
them tick is based in stereotypes.
The Indian diaspora fragments accord
ing to age and class. Younger British Indi
ans lean most heavily to Labour, as do the
poorer and those without degrees. The old
er, wealthier and bettereducated are more
inclined to vote Tory. There is also a cohort
effect, with an earlier generation of immi
grants and their children more likely to
vote Labour, and more recent arrivals to
vote Tory. That might reflect differences in
political attitudes between those who grew
up under the socialdemocratic govern
ment of Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first
prime minister, and those conditioned by
Narendra Modi’s rightwing administra
tion, speculates Devesh Kapur, a coauthor
of the study. But religion is the most im
portant fissure. Support for the Tories is far
higher among Hindus and Christians than
among Muslims or Sikhs.
One common misconception is that the
Tories’ appeal relies on recruiting more
mps of Indian descent, such as Ms Patel
and Rishi Sunak, the chancellor. Such di
versity is good in itself. Yet the study found
“large levels of indifference” among British
Indians to the ethnic composition of the
Cabinet, with only around a quarter of
themsayingitmade them look more fa
vourably on the Tories.
Another misconception is that foreign
policy is decisive. Many Tory mps em
braced the argument that Brexit would al
low Britain to prioritise its former imperial
assets over the European continent. Ms Pa
tel once promised a postBrexit migration
regime to “save our curry houses”. Yet Brex
it has limited appeal for British Indians,
with twothirds of those who voted now re
porting that they opposed the divorce.
Mr Johnson is seeking a trade agree
ment with India. But if there are votes for
the Tories among the Indian diaspora, they
will not be found by cosying up to Mr Mo
di’s government, which is approved of by
only one in five respondents. Those British
Indians who did support Brexit were far
more likely to cite restoring Britain’s law
making powers than striking a trade deal
with New Delhi. On the whole, British Indi
ans seem not to dwell much on which poli
ticians would best serve AngloIndian rela
tions: 31% say there is no difference be
tween the parties and another 31% say they
don’t know.
The final myth is that BritishIndian
values are an unusually good fit for the To
ries, representing hard work, enterprise
and family. Many British Indians do value
these things, as do their neighbours. Yet
asked to place themselves on a sevenpoint
ideological scale, ranging from “extremely
liberal” to “extremely conservative”, Brit
ish Indians skew to the liberal end.
What does move their votes? The econ
omy, health care and climate change were
respondents’ top priorities—the very
things that other polls suggest preoccupy
the rest of Britain. It is no surprise that
breadandbutter issues come first among
immigrant communities, says Mr Kapur,
since people move to improve their daily
lives. Cultural identity supposedly matters
increasingly in politics.Butsometimes it’s
best to stick to the basics.n
Conservatives are seeking to win over
Britons of Indian origin
Temple and state