32 Britain TheEconomistNovember20th 2021
new management practices. Since produc
tivity increases when people and stuff are
used more effectively, all this bodes well.
Britain’s productivity could certainly
do with some added oomph. Before the
crushing impact of covid19 restrictions, it
was languishing. Between 1995 and 2007
output per worker grew by around 2% a
year, roughly matching the rate in the 25
richest members of the oecd. But during
the next 12 years that figure for Britain was
a dismal 0.4%, compared with an average
of 0.9% among the rest.
Britain has long been known for outdat
ed and ineffective management practices,
so innovation here is a promising sign. As
for labour dynamism, a backoftheenve
lope calculation from Juliana Oliveira
Cunha of the Centre for Economic Perfor
mance and her coauthors suggests that if
just 4% of workers moved from the least
productive companies to ones at the other
end of the distribution, and those compa
nies’ productivity remained unchanged,
gdp could grow by a sizeable 6%. (They re
ject the commonly heard suggestion that
improving Britain’s long tail of relatively
unproductive firms would make a big dif
ference, both by debunking the idea that
this tail is indeed unusually long, or has
grown in the past decade, and by pointing
out that these firms are so unproductive
that even large improvements would bare
ly register at the level of the economy.)
As an explanation for Britain’s past pro
ductivity malaise, however, an insuffi
ciently dynamic labour market cannot sat
isfy. Britain’s productivity has lagged be
hind that in other developed countries
throughout recent decades, even as its
companies created and destroyed jobs at a
pretty steady rate relative to overall em
ployment. Meanwhile, the rate of such cre
ative destruction in France and America
fell. Even as Britain’s productivity growth
slowed between the 2000s and the 2010s,
the researchers found that its economy ac
tually became better at reallocating work
ers from less productive companies to
more productive ones.
The researchers think that a surer path
to a highwage, highproductivity econ
omy lies in raising investment. Between
the public and private sectors, investment
grew by less than 1% in Britain over the five
years to mid2021, compared with an aver
age of 14% across France, Germany and
America. Higher investment will be expen
sive in the short term, of course. But with
out it, sustained real wage increases are
unlikely. For all the jobswitching going
on, underlying wage growth from July to
September could be as low as 3.4% relative
to the previous year. Meanwhile in October
inflation reached 4.2%. Adapting to new
challenges will requirefixing the weak
nesses in Britain’s economy, not merely
playing to its strengths.n
“A
msurprisedtorealisethatany
bodyevergoesto,livesat,orcomes
from,Norwich,”wrotethenovelistE.M.
Delafieldin1930.ThetownisnotBrit
ain’sonlyonetofindthatitscharms
eludeoutsiders.TherearealsoSlough
(JohnBetjemaninvited“friendlybombs”
tofallonit),Hull(“adump”,saidPhilip
Larkin)andBromley(“suburbofthe
damndest”,accordingtoH.G.Wells).
Theseopinionsareabrasive,buthintat
anabidingmystery.Theworldisour
oyster.Andyetpeoplehappilyspend
theirlivesinsuchunremarkableplaces.
Newresearchsuggestsa simplerea
son.“Mostpeopledon’tmove,”saysPaul
Longley,a geographeratUniversity
CollegeLondon.Bycombiningcensus
recordssince 1851 withotherdatasourc
es,suchaselectoralrolls,heandcol
leagueshaveplotted40,000British
surnamestoshowhowtheyhavemoved
in150oddyears.Mostly,theyhaven’t.
“Thevastmajorityoffamilynamesare...
concentratedaroundthelocalesin
whichtheywerefirstcoinedbetweenthe
12thand14thcenturies,”theywritein
NatureCommunications, a journal.
Anonlinetimelapsetoolanimates
thisinformation(seemapsforsome
snapshots).Regionalnamestendto
remainintheregions,apartfromsome
spreadtoLondonandthenearestbig
city.WalesremainscrowdedwithWil
liamsesandScotlandwithMacKenzies.
TheJonesesareeasytokeepupwithas
theygentlyoozeacrosstheMidlands.
Thisprobablyseemssurprisingif you
workinorvisitLondon,wherea single
meetingmaycontainpeoplefromall
overnotonlyBritain,buttheworld.
Moreover,theEnglishmiddleclasses
haveallbutinstitutionalisedmigration
throughuniversitiesand,fortherichest,
boardingschools.Buttheirexperiences
areatypical.Formostpeople,saysMr
Longley,“migrationisa traumaticexpe
rienceandisnotundertakenlightly”.
Surnamesarelinkedtosocialaswell
asgeographicalhorizons.Theresearch
ersscoredthemonanindexofmultiple
deprivation,from1 (worst)to 100 (best).
IfBritainwereperfectlysociallymobile
theywouldclusteraround50,witha
littlerandomvariation;infact,somedo
markedlybetterandothersworse.
Amongthehundredmostfortunateare
Shapley,EvershedandCharter,which
wouldsoundathomeina Dickensian
lawfirm.Thebottom 100 includesRam,
ScampandPincher,anyofwhichDick
ensmighthaveusedfora streeturchin.
MrLongleyalsoratedplacesina
similarmanner.Thebottom 100 in
cludedWigan,LiverpoolandCoventry;
thetopCheltenham,Harrogateand,
despiteH.G.Wells’sdisdain,Bromley.In
Britainfamily,geographyanddestiny
intertwineinanintricatedance—one
thatspanscenturies.
Socialmobility
What’s ina name?
Lots,itturnsout
No place like home
Britain, prevalence of selected surnames
Source: Dr Justin van Dijk, University College London See more: apps.cdrc.ac.uk/gbnames
MacKenzie
Williams
1851 201
1851 201
Jones
1851 201
Low High