inant group, thus establishing the basis (and justification) for ethnic war-
fare. In the martial traditions under consideration, it is common for prac-
titioners to argue for the superiority of their tradition over systems main-
tained among oppressors.
Colonial situations provide a vast array of case studies on the role of
martial arts in revitalization. The reasons for the correspondence between
colonialism and revitalization are obvious. There is a dominant-dominated
relationship between two groups who differ in terms of culture, ethnic
identification, and political loyalties. In addition, there are feelings of rela-
tive deprivation on the part of the dominated group and a conviction that
a prevailing religious, social, or political system has failed them. Thus, an
alternative that can confront the current dilemma must emerge to prevent
collapse of the dominated culture.
Despite the spiritual orientation of many of these movements, there re-
mains a potential for conflict with the dominant group. For example, the
Ghost Dance movement that swept the western United States from 1888 to
1890 as espoused by the Paiute messiah Wovoka—despite prophecies fore-
telling the eradication of the whites—was pacifistic in orientation. Wovoka
urged his followers to cooperate and enter into no conflicts with whites. As
the religion spread from the Basin Cultures of Nevada to the Northern
Plains Cultures, the rhetoric became increasingly militant, and the power
that would bring about renewal was increasingly drawn upon for protec-
tion in warfare through the creation of “Ghost Dance Shirts” that would436 Political Conflict and the Martial Arts
A painting of a burning station and derailed train on the Manchurian railway, with Chinese Nationalists celebrating
their action during the Boxer Rebellion, ca. 1900. (Hulton Archive)