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3.Anxious-ambivalent attachment, or alternating between seeking support from
the caregiver and withdrawing, often displaying anger. (Adults with this style
chronically worry about their relationships.)
Adults who are characterized by the two insecure forms of attachment are more
vulnerable to depression: Those with anxious-ambivalent attachment are the most
likely to experience episodes of depression, followed by those with avoidant attach-
ment. Adults with secure attachment are least likely to do so (Bifulco et al., 2002;
Cooper, Shaver, & Collins, 1998; Fonagy et al., 1996).
Culture
A person’s culture and context can infl uence how the person experiences and ex-
presses depressive symptoms (Lam, Marra, & Salzinger, 2005). For instance, in
Asian or Latin cultures, people with depression may not mention mood, but talk
about “nerves” or describe headaches. Similarly, depressed people in Zimbabwe
tend to complain about fatigue and headaches (Patel et al., 2001). In contrast, some
depressed people from Middle Eastern cultures may describe problems with their
heart, and depressed Native Americans of the Hopi people may report feeling heart-
broken (American Psychiatric Association, 2000).
The infl uence of culture doesn’t end with the way symp-
toms are described. Each culture—and subculture—also leads
its members to take particular symptoms more or less seri-
ously. For instance, in cultures that have strong prohibitions
against suicide, having suicidal thoughts is a key symptom;
in cultures that emphasize being productive at work, having
diffi culty functioning well at work is considered to be a key
symptom (Young, 2001).
A particular culture can also be infl uenced by another cul-
ture and change accordingly. Consider that depressed people
in China have typically reported mostly physical symptoms of
depression, but these reports are changing as China becomes
increasingly exposed to Western views of depression (Parker,
Gladstone, & Chee, 2001).
Gender Difference
In North America, women are about twice as likely as men to be diagnosed
with depression (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Marcus et al., 2005),
and studies in Europe find a similar gender difference (Angst et al., 2002; Dal-
gard et al., 2006). Research results indicate that the gender difference arises
at puberty and continues into adulthood (Alloy & Abramson, 2007; Jose &
Brown, 2008).
What might cause the gender difference? One explanation focuses on a rumina-
tive response to stress: women are more likely than men to mull over a stressful situ-
ation, whereas men more often respond by distracting themselves and taking action
(Nolen-Hoeksema, 1987; Nolen-Hoeksema & Morrow, 1993; Vajk et al., 1997).
A ruminative pattern can be unlearned: College students who learned to use distrac-
tion more and rumination less improved their depressed mood ( Nolen-Hoeksema &
Morrow, 1993).
Another explanation for the gender difference in rates of depression is that girls’
socialization into female roles can lead them to experience more body dissatisfac-
tion, which in turn can make them more vulnerable to automatic negative thoughts
that lead to depression (Cyranowski et al., 2000; Nolen-Hoeksema & Girgus,
1994). Another consideration is that women may be more likely than men toreport
symptoms of depression, although not necessarily to experiencemore of these
symptoms (Sigmon et al., 2005). Such a bias in reporting symptoms isn’t limited
to self-reports: Family members are more likely to report female relatives as seem-
ing depressed, even when the females themselves did not report feeling depressed
(Brommelhoff et al., 2004).
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Culture infl uences which symptoms of
depression people experience, express, and
worry about most.
David Young-Wolff/Photo Edit