Eating Disorders 459
likely to pay attention to their fl aws and to feel ashamed of their bodies, and these
feelings motivate restrained eating (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997; Moradi, Dirks,
& Matteson, 2005; Smolak & Murnen, 2004).
Consider this study: Female participants alone in a dressing room with a full-
length mirror were asked to try on either a one-piece swimsuit or a sweater. While
wearing the new clothing, the women completed a checklist assessing body shame
(questions included: “I wish I were invisible,” “I wish I could cover my body.”).
They then took part in a “food taste test” (cookies). Women who tried on bathing
suits reported more shame about their bodies and subsequently ate less than their
sweater-clad counterparts. Male participants who wore bathing suits did not exhibit
this response (Fredrickson et al., 1998).
The objectifi cation process typically begins before adulthood. As girls enter
puberty, when female bodies are increasingly viewed in sexual terms, comments
on their bodies—such as catcalls or whistles when they walk down the street—
may increase their sense of bodies as objects or commodities (Bryant-Waugh, 1993;
Larkin, Rice, & Russell, 1999). Children learn these cultural messages early. Today,
even preschool children attribute more negative qualities to fat women than to fat
men (Turnbull, Heaslip, & McLeod, 2000).
Another explanation for the gender difference in prevalence rates of eating
disorders focuses on the politics of a cultural ideal of thinness for women. Some
researchers note that as women’s economic and political power has increased,
female models have become thinner and less curvaceous, creating a physical ideal of
womanhood that is harder—if not impossible—to meet. Women then spend signifi -
cant time, energy, and money trying to emulate this thinner ideal through exercise,
diet, medications, and even surgery, which in turn dissipates their economic and
political power (Barber, 1998; Bordo, 1993).
Although today males are much less likely to develop any type of eating
disorder than are women, this large gender discrepancy may not last. Data sug-
gest that male physical ideals are increasingly unrealistic: Male film stars and
Mr. Universe winners are increasingly muscular (Pope, Phillips, & Olivardia,
2000), paralleling the changes in women’s bodies in the media. Just as females
covet bodies similar to those promoted in the media, so do males (Ricciardelli
et al., 2006): Two-thirds of men want their bodies to be more similar to cultural
ideals of the male body (McCabe & Ricciardelli, 2001a, 2001b; Ricciardelli &
10.6 • Objectifi cation and Eating Problems Objectifi cation theory helps to
explain the large gender difference in the prevalence of eating disorders. This theory proposes
that whereas boys are encouraged to view their bodies as instruments that can perform tasks
(agents), girls are encouraged to consider their bodies as objects and commodities to be
evaluated (objects)—which makes girls more vulnerable to developing an eating disorder.
Source: Adapted from Smolak & Murmen, 2004.
Figure 10.6
Female body = Object
Messages from:
Male body = Agent
Media
Peer teasing
Sexual harassment
Role models
Parents
Sexual violence
Internalization of
gaze of others–body
as object (girls)
Internalization of
ideal of thinness
Eating and body
image problems
Internalization of
ideal of strength
and action
Issues reflecting
power/aggression
Internalization of
role as
observers/evaluators
(boys)
Many female dolls have unattainable physical
proportions; this is increasingly also becoming
true of male dolls. As seen in this comparison of
a 1960 G. I. Joe action fi gure (left) with one from
2000 (right), male action fi gures have become
more muscular over the last 25 years (Baghurst
et al., 2006).
Betty Holmes, WIN the Rockies Betty Holmes, WIN the Rockies