40 Asia TheEconomistDecember4th 2021
tiongrowthtorallyvotes,typicallybyac
cusing “a particularcommunity”—a cir
cumlocutionreferringtoIndia’s15%Mus
limminority—ofhavingtoomanybabies.
NarendraModi, theprimeminister, has
warnedof alooming population explo
sion.MembersofhisBharatiyaJanataPar
ty(bjp) haveevencalledforlimitstofamily
size.InJulylegislatorsinbjpcontrolled
UttarPradeshproposeda lawthatwould
denygovernmentservicestofamilieswith
morethantwochildren.
TheIndiangovernment’snewnumbers
maycurtail theseexecrablesuggestions.
FertilityamongIndianMuslimsisgeneral
lyhigherthanamongHindus.Thisisin
partbecausesomanyarepoor.Butthedif
ference has steadily narrowed; between
2005 and 2015 thefertilityrateamongIndi
anMuslimsdroppedfrom3.4to2.6.Data
onreligionhaveyettobeparsedfromthe
latestsurvey,butthefertilityratesit shows
forIndia’sonlytwoMuslimmajorityterri
tories,theLakshadweepIslandsandJam
mu&Kashmir,arefarbelowreplacement
levelandamongthelowestinIndia,at1.4.
Whilea decliningfertilityrateisbroad
lya signthatIndiaisricherandbetteredu
catedthanbefore,it willalsobringworries.
Economistshavelongheraldedthe“demo
graphicdividend”,whenproductivityrises
becauseabiggersliceofthepopulation
pyramidisofworkingage.Thiswindow
willnowbenarrower,andIndiawillhave
tocontendsoonerwitha fastgrowingpro
portionofelderlypeopletocarefor.
Starkdiscrepanciesinfertilityratesbe
tweenstatesalsocarrydangers.Infuture
moreIndiansfromthecrowdednorthwill
seekjobs inthe richerandless fecund
south.Politicianswillalsofacethehotis
sueofhowtoallotparliamentaryconstitu
encies.Backin 1971 MrsGandhifrozethe
distributionofseatsamongstates. There
sultisthatwhereasanmpfromKeralanow
representssome 1.8m constituents, one
fromUttarPradeshrepresentsnearly3m.
Whenthefreezeonredistrictingliftssome
timeinthenextdecade,thesedisparities
willspawna bigfight.n
A refreshing dip
Total fertility rate, births per woman
Sources:NFHS;UnitedNations *Data from NFHS start in 1992
6
5
4
3
2.1
1
0
1970 9080 2000 2010
India*
World (NFHS)
India (UN)
China
Approximate
replacement rate
PoliticsinKyrgyzstan
Ready for takeoff?
T
helasttimeKyrgyzstanhada general
election, just over a year ago, the conse
quences were, by any democratic criterion,
far from orthodox—and even by the eccen
tric and sometimes violent standards of
the mountain republic they were unusual.
When the incumbent president wangled a
parliamentary majority with copious vote
buying, protests erupted that led to his res
ignation. At the same time Sadyr Japarov,
who was serving a tenyear prison term for
kidnapping, was sprung by his backers
from jail at night and propelled into the
posts of prime minister and acting presi
dent. He was subsequently confirmed as
president at an election in January. Now, in
the parliamentary election that he oversaw
on November 28th, a majority was duly
found to support his agenda. And this time
a revolution looks less likely.
The Organisation for Security and Co
operation in Europe, which monitors elec
tions among other things, pronounced this
one broadly “competitive”. Votebuying
was less blatant and the poll was fairer
than usual, at least by the low standards of
Central Asia.
All the same, there is plenty to worry
about in the region’s smallest and most
fragile state. Democracy is hardly secure.
Parliament has rarely stood up to Kyrgyz
stan’s presidents, several with reputations
for corruption and highhandedness. Mr
Japarov has pushed through constitutional
changes to strengthen presidential powers
at the expense of parliament, whose mem
bership he has thinned. This week’s elec
tion result was meant to be a vote of confi
dence. A deputy prime minister recently
predicted that Kyrgyzstan would “take off
like a rocket” afterwards.
Alas, liftoff may be delayed. Progov
ernment parties, most of them newly
minted marriages of convenience, did in
deed do well, taking most of the 54 party
list seats. Mr Japarov’s backers also won a
good number of singleseat districts. The
president now commands a clear majority
in the 90seat house.
But proponents of reform and clean
government made little headway. A turn
out of 35% suggests an alarming level of fa
tigue among voters, after four nationwide
plebiscites in just over a year. The new,
mixed electoral system bewildered many;
nearly 10% of ballots were spoiled. Actual
policy was hardly debated by candidates
during the campaign.
Above all, despite its relative cleanness,
the election did nothing to dispel an air of
thuggishness and dirty dealing that hangs
over Mr Japarov’s regime. The brother of
the president’s feared security chief, Kam
chybek Tashiyev, won a seat. A neighbour
ing district was easily claimed by the
brother of an immensely powerful mafia
kingpin, Rayimbek Matraimov, who has
been accused of benefiting from a host of
crossborder smuggling rackets.
Earlier this year Mr Japarov made a
great show of Mr Matraimov’s arrest and
admission of guilt, though it was unclear
precisely what crimes had been acknowl
edged. But his fine of $3,000looks like a
good bargain for Mr Matraimov, who, in a
land where state welfare barely exists,
stays popular in his southern fief by sprin
kling it with hospitals and mosques.
A few days after the election, thuggish
ness was on display in a street in Bishkek,
the capital, when masked goons set about
an opposition leader, Omurbek Tekebayev,
who has castigated Mr Japarov, especially
over the expropriation of Kyrgyzstan’s big
gest foreignexchange earner, Kumtor gold
mine, from its Canadian owner.
That kind of intimidation, plus a reser
voir of popularity for Mr Japarov in some
quarters, may for the time being deter un
rest of the sort that has curtailed three
presidencies in the past decade or so.
Yet Askar Sydykov, who heads the Interna
tional Business Council, a lobby for the
country’s beleaguered entrepreneurs, says
businesspeople have a litany of problems:
inflation; wild swings in the value of the
som, the national currency; pandemicre
lated disruptions to crossborder trade;
and energy shortages exacerbated by gov
ernment corruption and ineptitude, just as
winter begins to bite.
Mr Japarov claims, somewhat plausibly,
that he inherited these failings. But voters
will not swallowthis excuse for long—es
pecially sincehehas grabbed so many le
vers of power.n
B ISHKEK
The election was cleaner than usual,
but an air of thuggishness still prevails