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NOTES TO PAGES 193–97

24. The argument can be found in Schmitt’sDie Diktatur, which was written in the same year
    asPolitische Theologie(1921) and which Schmitt understood to be its corollary (Carl Schmitt,Die
    Diktatur[Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1994], 133–34).


25. Schmit,Political Theology, 19 / 13.


26. Ibid.


27. Richard Wolin wrongly claims that ‘‘the paramount role played by the ‘philosophy of life’
    [in Schmitt’s worldview]—above all, by the concept of cultural criticism proper toLebensphiloso-
    phie—on his political thought has escaped the attention of most critics’’ (Richard Wolin, ‘‘Carl
    Schmitt: The Conservative Revolutionary Habitus and the Aesthetics of Horror,’’Political Theory
    20, no. 3 [1992]: 430). Schmitt himself argues that the most convincing philosophers of the state,
    Juan Donoso Corte ́s and Joseph de Maistre, were unable to accept the ‘‘organic world view’’ ex-
    pressed by the ‘‘philosophy of life’’ (Schmit,Political Theology, 65 / 61).


28. Schmit,Political Theology, 21 / 15.


29. Taubes,Ad Carl Schmitt, 62.


30. Schmit,Political Theology, 36 / 30.


31. Ibid., 37 / 31.


32. Ibid., 67 / 63.


33. Ibid., 66 / 62.


34. Ibid., 44 / 36.


35. Ibid., 43 / 36.


36. An analysis of the difference between these theologico-political claims can be found in Jan
    Assmann,Politische Theologie zwischen A ̈gypten und Israel(Munich: Carl Friedrich von Siemens
    Stiftung, 1995), 26, 35, and in Hent de Vries,Religion and Violence: Philosophical Perspectives from
    Kant to Derrida(Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003), 216.


37. Schmit,Political Theology, 37–38 / 31–32 (trans. modified).


38. Benjamin, ‘‘Critique of Violence,’’ 196 / 248.


39. In line with the lawmaking function Benjamin ascribes to military violence, Schmitt, in
    Der Nomos der Erde, characterizes the military occupation of territory as a ‘‘constitutive event of
    international law’’: the occupation (Landnahme) is at the same time a determination of territory
    (Ortung) and a creation of legal order (Ordnung). See Carl Schmitt,Der Nomos der Erde im Vo ̈lker-
    recht des Jus Publicum Europeum(1950; Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1997), 48.


40. Benjamin, ‘‘Critique of Violence,’’ 188 / 242. In an illuminating reading of Benjamin’s text,
    Werner Hamacher sketches the figure of an ‘‘afformative’’ related to the concept of thisEnt-setzung,
    i.e., the (self-)deconstruction of positive law (Werner Hamacher, ‘‘Afformative, Strike,’’The Car-
    dozo Law Review13, no. 4 (1991): 1133–57).


41. Benjamin, ‘‘Critique of Violence,’’ 189 / 243.


42. Ibid., 190 / 243. Observations concerning the police’s lawmaking violence can also be
    found in Hannah Arendt’sOrigins of Totalitarianism. As she observes, on the eve of the Second
    World War—for the first time in the history of modern democracies—the police obtained the
    competence to rule directly over people’s lives: ‘‘it was no longer an instrument to carry out and
    enforce the law, but had become a ruling authority independent of government and ministries’’
    (Hannah Arendt,The Origins of Totalitarianism[1951; New York: Harcourt, 1966], 287). Referring
    to both Arendt and Benjamin, Derrida stresses the ‘‘ghostly apparition’’ of the police, which, be-
    cause of a mixture of lawmaking and law-preserving violence, is not bound to any law and operates
    ‘‘beyond all accountability’’ (Jacques Derrida,Cosmopolites de tous les pays, encore un effort![Paris:
    Galilee ́, 1997], 37; translated as Jacques Derrida, ‘‘On Cosmopolitanism,’’ trans. Mark Dooley and
    Michael Hughes, in Derrida,Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness[London: Routledge, 2003], 14). Sim-

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