parks (Yellowstone). In other cases parks
were created by the “ceding” of reservation
land (Glacier and Mesa Verde). There are
even some cases where small indigenous
communities have remained resident in
national parks with few legal rights (Death
Valley, Grand Canyon, and Yosemite).At Badlands National Park, where I currently
conduct field research, the axe of sover-
eignty cuts both ways. The tribal govern-
ment of the Oglala Sioux is currently negoti-
ating for an arrangement
that will bring benefits to
local people and enhance
tribal sovereignty.
However, Oglala tradition-
alists view the tribal gov-
ernment as the root of
their problems. They
argue that elected tribal
officials have consistently
entered into agreements
that are detrimental to
the interests of local peo-
ple. The current agree-
ment between the tribe
and the National Park Service, for instance,
grants the administration of Badlands
National Park authority to manage tribal
lands. A group of Oglala traditionalists has
occupied part of the park, demanding that
the park service withdraw forthwith.
Meanwhile, a group of Oglala environmental
activists have been working to introduce an
‘Indigenous Stewardship Model’ through
which local people would be able to manage
natural resources according to their tradi-
tional values.^15 Because of the ongoing ide-
ological struggle surrounding the Badlands
National Park, however, it has been very dif-
ficult for them to make this model a reality.Finally, it is important to note that tribal
sovereignty has been an essential compo-
nent to the creation of indigenous protected
areas. Indigenous communities that enjoy
the legal status of sovereign entities havethe land necessary to create protected
areas, as well as the bureaucratic capacity
to manage it. In such cases, traditional cul-
tural values are enshrined in parks that are
similar to the western model, but which also
incorporate important differences. The Ute
Mountain Tribal Park in Southwestern
Colorado protects ancient Anasazi ruins
according to spiritual values of several
Native American groups, rather than the
interpretive imperatives of the National Park
Service.^16 The Kuna Indians of eastern
Panama have created the Kuna Park in
order to protect the rainforests on the east-
ern slopes of the San Blas Mountains. In so
doing they have preserved their traditional
livelihoods as well as their cultural values,
as they believe that the forest is home to
their ancestor spirits. The Kuna Park gained
a great deal of recognition and funding from
international conservation organisations.^17Civil Society and Non-
Governmental Organisations
“Civil society occupies a unique space,
where ideas are born, where mindsets are
changed, and where the work of conserva-
tion and development doesn’t just get
talked about, but gets done.” Kofi Annan,
U.N. Secretary General, speaking to a civil
society forum in Johannesburg, South
Africa, on September 2nd 2002Tribal governments can be either a boon or
a liability to community-based conservation.
In the case of the Kuna and the Ute
Mountain Ute tribal government became a
focal point for the creation of indigenous
protected areas. In the case of the Oglala
Sioux, however, tribal government has
become the focal point for struggles over
cultural meaning, especially over what it
means to be Lakota. These struggles are
closely tied to efforts of the U.S.
Government to administer the Oglala
through a system of “indirect rule”.The creation of native administrationsConservation aas ccultural aand ppolitical ppractice
A ggroup oof OOglala
environmental
activists hhave bbeen
working tto iintroduce
an ‘‘Indigenous
Stewardship MModel’
through wwhich llocal
people wwould bbe aable
to mmanage nnatural
resources aaccording
to ttheir
traditional vvalues