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CLARENCE Y.H. LOALTERNATIVE LIFESTYLES
Lifestyles that were considered ‘‘alternative’’ in
the past are becoming less unusual and increasing-
ly normative. Many people, for example, experi-
ence cohabitation, divorce, and remarriage. Other
lifestyles, such as singlehood, gay and lesbian rela-
tionships, or remaining childfree may not be rising
drastically in frequency, but they are less stigma-
tized and more visible than they were in recent
decades.
It was during the 1960s and 1970s that the
utility and the structure of many social institutions
were seriously questioned. This included the insti-
tution of the family. What was the purpose of
family? Was it a useful social institution? Why or
why not? How can it be improved? The given
cultural milieu of the period, such as resurgence of
the women’s movement, concerns about human
rights more generally, and improvements in our
reproductive and contraceptive technology, exac-
erbated these questions. In increasing numbers
individuals began to experiment with new and
alternative ways in which to develop meaningful
relationships, sometimes outside the confines of
marriage. Literature soon abounded among both
the academic community and the popular press
describing and deliberating on these new life-
styles. In 1972, a special issue of The Family Coordi-
nator was devoted to the subject of alternative
lifestyles, with a follow-up issue published in 1975.
The subject was firmly entrenched within the field
of family sociology by 1980 when the Journal of
Marriage and Family devoted a chapter to alterna-
tive family lifestyles in their decade review of
research and theory.Despite the increased visibility and tolerance
for a variety of lifestyles during the 1990s, concern
is voiced from some people over the ‘‘demise’’ of
the family. The high divorce rate, increased rates
of premarital sexuality, cohabitation, and extra-
marital sex are pointed to as both the culprits and
the consequences of the deterioration of family
values. Popenoe and Whitehead write about co-
habitation, for example: ‘‘Despite its widespread
acceptance by the young, the remarkable growth
of unmarried cohabitation in recent years does
not appear to be in children’s or the society’s best
interest. The evidence suggests that it has weak-
ened marriage and the intact, two-parent family
and thereby damaged our social well-being, espe-
cially that of women and children’’ (1999, p. 16).
What do the authors mean by ‘‘society’s best inter-
est’’? And what type of family relationship would
be in our ‘‘best interest’’? What invariably comes
to mind is the married, middle-class, traditional
two-parent family in which the father works out-
side the home and the mother stays at home to
take care of the children, at least while they are
young. This monolithic model, however, excludes
the majority of the population; indeed, a growing
number of persons do not desire such a model
even if it were attainable. It is based on the false
notion of a single and uniform intimate experi-
ence that many argue has racist, sexist, and classist
connotations.