Encyclopedia of Sociology

AMERICAN FAMILIES

immigrants came from southern and eastern Eu-
rope as well (Zinn and Eitzen 1987). Immigrants’
family lives were shaped by their ethnic origins as
well as by the diverse social and economic struc-
tures of the cities and communities in which they
settled.

Ethnic traditions also helped Mexican-Ameri-
can families adapt to changing circumstances. An-
nexation of territory from Mexico in 1848 and
subsequent immigration from Mexico produced
sizable Mexican-American communities in the
Southwest. Immigrants from Mexico often recon-
structed their original family units within the Unit-
ed States, typically including extended as well as
nuclear family members. Extended family house-
holds are more common today among Mexican
Americans than among non-Hispanic whites, re-
flecting Mexican Americans’ strong family orien-
tation (or ‘‘familism’’) as well as their less advantaged
economic circumstances (Zinn and Eitzen 1987).

Imbalanced sex ratios among Chinese and
Japanese immigrants greatly influenced the family
experiences of these groups. First coming to the
United States in the early 1900s, Chinese immi-
grants were predominantly male. The Chinese
Exclusion Act of 1882 barred further immigration,
and only wealthy Chinese men were able to bring
brides to the United States (Boris and Bardaglio
1987). As of 1910, there were 1,413 Chinese men
in the United States to every 100 Chinese women.
This sex ratio was still skewed in 1940, when there
were 258 men to every 100 women. In contrast to
the extended family networks typical of traditional
Chinese culture, many Chinese-American house-
holds consisted of single men living alone (Marden
and Meyer 1973).

Substantial immigration from Japan took place
between 1885 and 1924. Like traditional Chinese
families, Japanese families were based on strong
extended kin networks. As was true for Chinese
immigration, most Japanese immigrants were male.
In addition to immigration restrictions, Japanese-
American families (especially those on the West
Coast) were disrupted by property confiscation
and the mass relocations that took place during
World War II (Marden and Meyer 1973).

In addition to the ‘‘old’’ immigration of the
mid-nineteenth century and the ‘‘new’’ immigra-
tion of the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries, a third wave of large-scale immigration

to the United States began in the mid-1960s. In

contrast to the earlier waves, when most immi-

grants came from European countries, most immi-

gration in this third wave has been from Latin

America and Asia. However, as has been true of

earlier periods of immigration, public controver-

sies surround the economic and social absorption

of these new groups (Marger 1991). In addition to

occupational and economic challenges facing im-

migrant families, social challenges include the con-

tinuing debate over whether schools should pro-

vide bilingual education to non-English-speaking

children.

MARRIAGE AND FAMILY TRENDS IN THE

UNITED STATES

The separation of paid work and family life, associ-

ated with the transition to an industrialized socie-

ty, gave rise to profound changes in family life.

Over the course of the twentieth century, women’s

roles were defined primarily by family responsi-

bilities within the ‘‘private sphere’’ of the home,

but except for a brief period following World War

II, women’s labor-force participation rose steadily.

As of 1997, nearly half (46 percent) of all employed

workers were women. Increases in labor-force par-

ticipation were especially great among married

women. In 1900, less than 4 percent of married

women were in the labor force. By 1997, that

figure had risen to 62 percent (U.S. Bureau of the

Census 1998). In contrast to earlier eras of Ameri-

can history, when African-American women were

more likely to work for pay than white women,

rates of labor force participation are now nearly

the same for women in these racial groups, for

both married and unmarried women. Married

Hispanic women are slightly less likely to be em-

ployed than married African-American and non-

Hispanic white women (U.S. Bureau of Labor

Statistics 1991). As discussed below, women’s la-

bor-force participation has important implications

for many dimensions of family life.

Though American families have changed in

important ways over the past 100 years, examina-

tion of historical trends also reveals continuation

of some family patterns begun long ago. Notably,

the period of the 1950s is commonly thought to