Encyclopedia of Sociology

(Marcin) #1
ANOMIE

techniques, although in certain circumstances the
analysis of covariance can be used to statistically
control for possible extraneous sources of influence.


Where analysis of variance and covariance are
more appropriate in sociological studies is: (1)
where the independent variable can be manipulat-
ed (e.g., field experiments investigating natural
reactions to staged incidences, or studies of the
effectiveness of different modes of intervention or
teaching styles); (2) analyses of typologies or global
variables that capture a set of unspecified, interre-
lated causes or stimuli (e.g., comparisons of indus-
trialized vs. nonindustrialized countries, or differ-
ences between white collar vs. blue collar workers);
or (3) where independent (or predictor) variables
are used that have a limited number of discrete
categories (e.g., race, gender, religion, country, etc.).


REFERENCES


Blalock, Hubert M. 1972 Social Statistics, 2nd ed. New
York: McGraw-Hill.


Bornstedt, G. W., and D. Knoke 1995 Statistics for Social
Data Analysis. Itasca, Ill.: F. E. Peacock Publishers, Inc.


McClendon, M. J. 1994 Multiple Regression and Causal
Analysis. Itasca, Ill.: F. E. Peacock Publishers, Inc.


Nie, Norman H., C. Hadlai Hull, Jean G. Jenkins, Karin
Steinbrenner, and Dale H. Bent 1975 SPSS: Statistical
Package for the Social Sciences, 2nd ed. New York:
McGraw-Hill.


Scheffe, H. A. 1959 The Analysis of Variance. New
York: Wiley.


Simmons, Roberta G., and Dale A. Blyth 1987 Moving
Into Adolescence: The Impact of Pubertal Change and
School Context. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.


Tabachnick, Barbara G., and Linda S. Fidell 1996 Using
Multivariate Statistics, 3rd ed. New York: Harper-
Collins.


RICHARD BULCROFT

ANDROGYNY


See Femininity/Masculinity.


ANOMIE


The concept anomie was used by early sociologists
to describe changes in society produced by the
Industrial Revolution. The demise of traditional


communities and the disruption of norms, values,
and a familiar way of life were major concerns of
nineteenth-century philosophers and sociologists.
For sociologists, anomie is most frequently associ-
ated with Emile Durkheim, although others used it
differently even during his lifetime (Wolff 1988).
Durkheim ([1893] 1956) used the French word
anomie, meaning ‘‘without norms,’’ to describe the
disruption that societies experienced in the shift
from agrarian, village economies to those based
on industry. Anomie is used to describe a state of
society, referring to characteristics of the social
system, not of individuals, although individuals
were affected by this force. Increasingly, this term
has taken on a more social psychological meaning.
This is not to say that it no longer has uses consis-
tent with the initial definition, but its meaning has
been broadened considerably, at times consistent
with Durkheim’s usage, at times at substantial
variance with it.
There are, no doubt, sociologists who cringe
at any expanded usage of this and other concepts,
but the fact of the matter is that we have no more
control over its usage than Thomas Kuhn (1970)
has over abominable uses of the concept ‘‘para-
digm,’’ or than computer engineers have over
those who say ‘‘interface’’ when they mean ‘‘meet
with.’’ Although we cannot completely stop the
misappropriation of such terms as anomie we can
be careful that sociological extensions of anomie
are logically derived from their early uses.

DURKHEIM ON ANOMIE

According to Durkheim, village life based on agri-
culture had consistent, well-established norms that
governed the day-to-day lives of individuals. Norms
prescribed patterns of behavior, obligation, and
expectations. Durkheim called this pattern of so-
cial life mechanical solidarity. Communities char-
acterized by ‘‘mechanical solidarity’’ were self-con-
tained units in which the family and the village
provided for all of the needs of their members.
With the emergence of industrial capitalism and
the beginnings of population shifts from the hin-
terland to cities, mechanical solidarity could not
successfully structure social life. Durkheim be-
lieved that a new, ‘‘organic solidarity’’ based on a
division of labor would emerge, with a regulating
normative structure that would be as functional as
mechanical solidarity. The emergence of organic
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