Encyclopedia of Sociology

COURTSHIP

had little to do with mate selection in any social
class because marriages were arranged by lords or
by parents with primary regard to the acquisition
of property.

In societies where romantic love is not a basis
for mate choice, such sentiments are seen as dan-
gerous to the formation and stability of desirable
marital unions—those that maintain stratification
systems (see Goode 1969). Queen, Habenstein,
and Quadagno (1985) describe still other mate-
selection patterns that do involve some form of
love, including the systems found on Israeli kib-
butzim at midcentury, among ethnic immigrant
groups in the United States, and among African-
Americans during slavery (see also Ramu 1989). In
the twentieth century, however, and especially
since the 1920s, courtship in Western societies has
been participant-run and based on ideas of roman-
tic love. In the United States today, it is not uncom-
mon for a couple to meet, woo, and wed almost
without the knowledge of their respective kin.
‘‘Compared with other cultures, ours offers a wide
range of choices and a minimum of control’’
(Queen, Habenstein, and Quadagno 1986, pp. 8–9).

In colonial America, practices differed some-
what between the North and South. In the North,
mate choice was participant run, but a suitor’s
father had control over the timing of marriage
since he could delay the release of an adequate
section of family land to his son while the son’s
labor was still needed. Conjugal (but not roman-
tic) love was thought to be the sine qua non of
marriage, and couples came to know and trust one
another during often lengthy courtships. In the
South, a custom of chivalry developed, closely
guarding the purity of (at least upper-class) wom-
en, but condoning promiscuity among men. Pa-
rental consent was required for the beginning of
courtship and for marriage and open bargaining
about property arrangements was commonplace.
Unlike the colonial North, where marriage was
considered a civil ceremony, in most parts of the
South, Anglican church ministers were required
to officiate at weddings. In both regions, banns
were published prior to weddings.

During the 1800s, mate choice became more
autonomous with the growth of cities and the
spread of industrial employment. Choices were
affected less by considerations of wealth than by

personal qualities—especially morality, spirituali-

ty, and ‘‘character.’’ Wooing was rather formal,

with each participant carefully evaluating the quali-

ties of the other. Courtship tended to be exclusive

and directed toward marriage.

Then, from about 1900 to World War II, a

system evolved in which there was much ‘‘playing

the field’’ (casual dating), gradually more exclusive

dating (‘‘going steady’’), engagement, and finally,

wedding—a relatively fixed sequence. Following

the war, stages of courtship were typically marked

by symbols (e.g., wearing a fraternity pin, then an

engagement ring), each stage implying increased

commitment between the partners. By the 1950s, a

separate youth culture had developed. Ages at first

marriage declined dramatically, and dating started

earlier than ever before. The sexual exploration

that had previously been a part of the last stage of

courtship now occurred earlier, even in very young

couples.

During the 1960s, a time of ‘‘sexual revolu-

tion,’’ nonmarital cohabitation increased—not sub-

stituting for marriage but delaying it. In the post

World War II. period and since, among the young

especially, demands for both freedom and de-

pendence (i.e., the right to sexual freedom without

assuming responsibility for its multifaceted conse-

quences) have been relatively widespread. Con-

currently, rates of nonmarital pregnancy rose

dramatically.

In general, every society attempts to control

sexual activity among unmarried (and married)

persons, but the forms of control (e.g., chaperonage)

and the degree of enforcement have varied. Vir-

ginity, especially in women, is highly prized and

guarded in some cultures but has no special value

in others. Similarly, all societies attempt to limit

the pool of those eligible to marry, but the precise

constraints have differences across societies and

from time to time. Typically, blood kin and rela-

tives by marriage (and in some cases, baptismal

relatives such as godparents) are delimited to great-

er or lesser degrees from the eligibility pool.

Where male elders have arranged marriages

for their offspring (generally in ascription-based

societies), the accumulation of family power and

prestige has been of primary concern, with dowrys,

bride prices, or both figuring prominently in

prenuptial arrangements. In participant-run mate