Encyclopedia of Sociology

DIVORCE

Divorce in Selected Countries, 1995

Mexico Canada United

States

Japan Czech

Republic

Germany Hungary Nether-

lands

Spain Sweden Switzer-

land

0

0.5

1

1.5

2

2.5

3

3.5

4

4.5

5

Divorces per 1000 people

Figure 2

SOURCE: United Nations 1996 Demographic Yearbook

age for example, may make some individuals more
susceptible to negative outcomes. Second, the ab-
sence of one parent, per se, may affect children’s
adjustment to divorce. Boys, in particular, appear
to benefit from the presence of a male adult.
Third, the loss of income creates many indirect
problems for children, including changes in resi-
dence, school, neighborhood, and peer networks.
Fourth, divorce often diminishes the custodial
parent’s ability to provide supportive and appro-
priate parenting, especially if depression follows
marital disruption. And finally, negative, conflictual,
and dysfunctional family relationships between
parents, parents and children, and siblings are
probably the most damaging consequence of di-
vorce for children. (Hetherington, Bridges, and
Insabella 1998).

Longitudinal research has shown that child-
ren who experience divorce differ from others
before the disruption occurs. Cherlin showed that
children whose parents were still married, but who
would later divorce, showed more behavior prob-
lems and did less well in school than children
whose parents would remain married (Cherlin et
al. 1991).

Even after such predisruption differences are
considered, divorce takes a toll in the lives of
children who experience it. Divorce significantly
increases the chances that young people will leave
their homes due to friction with a parent, increases

the chances of premarital cohabitation, and in-

creases the odds of premarital pregnancies or

fatherhood (Cherlin, Kiernan, and Chase-Lansdale

1995). The effects of divorce in young adulthood

include higher rates of unemployment and lower

educational attainments. Divorce weakens young

people’s connections to their friends and neigh-

bors due to higher rates of residential mobility

(McLanahan and Sandefur 1994). Following di-

vorce, many children are subjected to changes in

residence, often to disadvantaged neighborhoods

where peers have lower educational prospects.

The lack of connections to others affects parents’

ability to monitor their children. It also limits

young people’s knowledge about local employ-

ment opportunities.

The changed economic circumstances caused

by divorce affects children in many indirect ways.

The loss of available income may affect the quality

of schools children attend if custodial parents

move to poorer neighborhoods. The lack of in-

come may limit children’s opportunities for extra-

curricular activities (e.g., travel, or music lessons).

The need for income often compels custodial

parents to work more hours, reducing their ability

to monitor children’s after-school activities.

In their socioeconomic attainments, children

who experienced their parents’ divorce average

one to two fewer years of educational attainment

than children from intact homes (Krein and Beller