was number-stamped and logged. Recipients of the Brown Pages
signed oaths of secrecy subjecting them to the death penalty in
the event of violation. The Brown Pages were conveyed only in
red double-thickness envelopes inside locked pouches or pneu-
matic-mail canisters; handled only by special FA couriers; signed
for in triplicate by their authorized recipients. (Milch signed for
his new pouch key on April , , promising “in the event of
loss to notify the FA immediately and pay all costs for the re-
placement of the pouch.”)
“The work of the FA,” warned Prince Christoph, who had
the rank of Ministerialdirektor in Göring’s Prussian Ministry,
“will have both point and profit only if its secrecy is safeguarded
by every possible means. Inadequate security will result in the
enemy,” whom these February security regulations did not
identify, “taking precautions, and our sources drying up.” Thus
the “results” were never to be explicitly referred to in docu-
ments, nor discussed by phone except on the special secure-
telephone network installed by the FA throughout the govern-
ment district, or on the secure teleprinter system. Recipients,
regardless of rank, had to return each and every Brown Page
intact to the FA. Even Hitler had to toe this line. FA chief
Gottfried Schapper wrote to Hitler’s adjutant Paul Wernicke in
May peremptorily demanding the return of seven num-
bered “results” delivered to the Führer on the day that German
troops entered Austria.
By the FA had grown so costly that Göring switched it
to the budget of his Air Ministry, where secrecy was easier. As
camouflage, all FA officials now wore air-force uniforms. The FA
maintained five hundred wiretaps around the clock in Berlin
alone, primarily on foreign embassies, legations, journalists, and
suspected enemies of the Reich. The Charlottenburg rooms were
divided into “regions” (Bereiche) one each for English, Ameri-