defendants like a sheepdog chasing errant sheep. He urged the
craven homosexual Walter Funk to stop worrying about death
in fifty years’ time Germany would recognize them all as
martyrs and heroes, and they would put his (Göring’s) cadaver
into a marble mausoleum like Napoleon’s. Alerted by Gilbert to
Göring’s intensive canvassing, Jackson persuaded Sir David
Maxwell-Fyfe, the British prosecutor, to agree to Göring’s being
isolated over lunch. Dr. Gilbert himself drafted the new seating
plan: Göring would sit in a cold, dim room for lunch alone,
separated from the other twenty defendants. The order went
into force at lunchtime on February . Speer crowed, Gilbert
found Göring dejected and tremulous like a rejected child. In
the even greater solitude of his cell, later that day the
Reichsmarschall came close to contrition. “Don’t think,” he
pleaded to Gilbert, “that I don’t reproach myself in the loneli-
ness of this cell for not having lived my life differently, instead
of coming to this end.”
“Effect of separating defendants and isolating Göring
marked,” reported Gilbert to Jackson, “and on the whole favor-
able for trial.”
On the twentieth, the court was shown a Soviet-made
atrocity film. As the images of torture instruments, mutilated
bodies, guillotines, and baskets of decapitated heads flickered
and danced across the movie screen on the far wall to their left,
Göring yawned demonstratively. “They could just as easily have
killed a few hundred German prisoners of war and put them
into Russian uniforms for the atrocity picture,” he scoffed to
Kelley’s successor, Major Leo N. Goldensohn, that evening. “You
don’t know the Russians the way I do!” He shrewdly pointed
out that the corpses had obviously been filmed before rigor
mortis had had time to set in. “It is not that atrocity films leave
me stone cold,” he felt compelled to explain to Dr. Gilbert a few