“Our Expiring Libertie” 1658–1660logical conclusion from this, that toleration should also extend to Jews, Muslims,
and Roman Catholics.
Milton’s treatise presses a conservative formula – that Christian liberty pertains
only to practitioners of true religion – to radical conclusions by redefining what
true religion is: not fundamental doctrines but acceptance of scripture alone as the
rule of faith, interpreted by the private conscience as informed by the Spirit’s illu-
mination. By that definition, the magistrate’s defense of true religion can only be
the defense of every Christian’s right to his own conscientious belief and practice.
With the radicals Milton would restrict the magistrate to civil affairs only, on theo-
logical and also on pragmatic grounds: to do so would save the parliament “much
labor and interruption” (let them recall past dissolutions of parliaments), and it
offers the only hope to settle England’s troubles. Moreover, since they themselves
may be soon in the power of others they should realize that “any law against con-
science is alike in force against any conscience” (240). Milton does not, however,
suppose that this argument must lead to universal toleration: like certain other radi-
cal Independents he finds a basis in natural reason and civic danger to allow some
restrictions on Roman Catholics, idolaters, and blasphemers.^15 He appeals directly
to those MPs (especially Vane) who led the fight for religious liberty before to take
up this good cause again:
One advantage I make no doubt of, that I shall write to many eminent persons of your
number, alreadie perfet and resolvd in this important article of Christianitie. Some of
whom I remember to have heard often for several years, at a councel next in autoritie
to your own, so well joining religion with civil prudence, and yet so well distinguish-
ing the different power of either, and this not only voting, but frequently reasoning
why it should be so, that... [anyone might see] that then both commonwealth and
religion will at length, if ever, flourish in Christendom, when either they who govern
discern between civil and religious, or they only who so discern shall be admitted to
govern. Till then nothing but troubles, persecutions, commotions can be expected;
the inward decay of true religion among our selves, and the utter overthrow at last by
a common enemy. (240)By this address to parliament alone and this direct appeal to those who served so
ably in the Commonwealth Council of State, Milton shows his sympathy for, if not
yet overt identification with, a loose coalition of republicans, army officers, sectaries,
millenarians, and rank and file soldiers who were orchestrating calls throughout
February and March for a return to the ideals of the “Good Old Cause.”^16 Com-
monly, they invoked the typology of England as Israel in the wilderness, urging the
army to repent its backsliding into the “Apostate” ways of the Protectorate when
they chose “a Captain back for Egypt” (Oliver Cromwell), and to return to the
original purity of the Commonwealth, en route to the promised land.^17 Though
the Protectorate party won enough votes in parliament to establish Richard and the
Other House, the extended battles over those issues delayed other necessary busi-