“Our Expiring Libertie” 1658–1660trusting to a new parliament.^82 Under pressure from Monk, however, they left on
March 16, after enacting writs for new elections that imposed no conditions on the
traditional electorate and barred from office only Roman Catholics, persons who
had abetted the Irish rebellion, or persons who had taken an active part against
parliament since 1641.^83 In theory this would disqualify Cavaliers, though in prac-
tice it did not, despite an order that this proviso be recited at all places of election.
Voting began on March 24.
In an effort to secure the selection only of “well-affected” men who would
oppose the monarchy, Milton wrote The Present Means, and Brief Delineation of a
Free Commonwealth, couched as a letter to Monk. Though we have it only in draft
form,^84 Milton almost certainly sent a finished version to the general: his Latin
epigraph in the second edition of the Readie & Easie Way claims to have given
advice to Monk.^85 If he published the work, no copies survive. It cannot be pre-
cisely dated, but was perhaps drafted in early March before parliament sent out its
writs for new elections on the 16th, since it urges an alternative process for those
elections to a new parliament as a matter to be acted on “without delay.” But it
could have been written later, since it urges Monk to impose that alternative proc-
ess by force if necessary – implying that he should cancel the writs if they have gone
forth.^86 Comparable addresses were being published toward the end of March by
republicans and radicals, urging Monk to settle a commonwealth government by
force if need be.^87 A published letter to Monk, Plaine English, reviews all the reasons
why the king cannot be trusted, justifies the army’s 1648 assault upon parliament as
an act of “supreme necessity” to save the Commonwealth, and insinuates that Monk
and his army should now in a comparable case oppose the clamor for the king’s
return, “vigorously asserting the good Cause of these Nations.”^88 Roger L’Estrange
thought, wrongly, that Milton wrote at least some part of it; he was, it seems,
readily identified with such appeals to Monk.^89
Milton surely knew that all former acts defining qualifications for electors and
candidates had been voided on February 21, but he affects to believe that the Rump’s
February 18 qualifications are still in place; this rhetorical ploy invites Monk to
enforce restrictions that would secure the selection of well-affected men opposed to
a Stuart restoration and sympathetic to a commonwealth (CPW VII, 392–3). Milton
now urges Monk to call “the chief Gentlemen out of every County” to manage an
election of local councils by the well-affected people in every city or great town;
those councils should then elect “the usual number of ablest Knights and Burgesses,
engag’d for a Commonwealth” to make up a permanent Grand Council.^90 That
Grand Council would have charge of the military “under the conduct of your Ex-
cellency,” manage public revenues, make general laws, and administer foreign affairs
- diplomacy, treaties, peace and war. The local standing councils would, as in Milton’s
earlier models, manage judicial laws, courts, and local magistracies, as well as all
“Ornaments of publick Civility, Academies, and such like” (393). To make com-
mon cause with the Harringtonians, Milton now incorporates some elements from