“Our Expiring Libertie” 1658–1660Good kings, Milton claims, seldom happen except in an elective monarchy. He
also reiterates his settled conviction that no man can rightfully hold royal dominion
over other men, except for Christ, “our true and rightfull and only to be expected
King... the only by him [God] anointed and ordaind since the work of our re-
demption finisht, Universal Lord of all mankinde” (445). All other monarchy is a
species of idolatry.
Several passages review for the Presbyterians and other Puritans all the old abuses
charged to Charles I and insist that they will escalate in the new court: subjugation
of parliaments, the royal prerogative, the negative voice, the militia, a council filled
with the king’s vicious favorites and courtiers, a new royal revenue, appointment of
judges beholden to the crown, idolatry, and mortal danger to liberty of conscience
from a Popish queen and queen mother, as well as a royal issue “from the cradle,
traind up and governd by Popish and Spanish counsels” (457). Other additions spell
out the punishments – loss of estates, imprisonment, banishment – that all Puritans,
including “the new royaliz’d presbyterians,” may expect from the king’s party. Let
them take note of “the insolencies, the menaces, the insultings” of the anonymous
royalist pamphleteers, “not daring to name themselves, while they traduce others
by name”(451–2) – as they have Milton. In graphic metaphors, Milton evokes for
the Presbyterians the assaults to their moral sensibilities and the harsh persecutions
in store for them:
Let our zealous backsliders forethink now with themselves, how thir necks yok’d
with these tigers of Bacchus, these new fanatics of not the preaching but the sweating-
tub, inspir’d with nothing holier then the Venereal pox, can draw one way under
monarchie to the establishing of church discipline with these new-disgorg’d atheismes:
yet shall they not have the honor to yoke with these, but shall be yok’d under them;
these shall plow on their backs. (452–3)Other passages, addressed to Puritans generally, extol the superiority of a repub-
lic over all other forms. In a characteristic gesture Milton assumes the agreement of
all wise and worthy men with his position: “I doubt not but all ingenuous and
knowing men will easily agree with me, that a free Commonwealth without single
person or house of lords, is by far the best government, if it can be had” (429).
Now, as from the time of the Defensio, Milton’s free commonwealth is not a repre-
sentative but an aristocratic republic ruled by those whose worthiness is demon-
strated by their love of liberty and adherence to a republic. More than any other
form of government a free commonwealth aims “to make the people flourishing,
vertuous, noble and high spirited” (460). The wisest political theorists in all ages
have proclaimed it “the noblest, the manliest, the equallest, the justest government,
the most agreeable to all due libertie and proportiond equalitie, both human, civil,
and Christian, most cherishing to vertue and true religion” (424). Also, more de-
finitively than before, he makes the case for divine favor to republics. God himself