The Life of John Milton: A Critical Biography

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Notes to Chapter 1

into their Authentication,” MQ (Special Issue, 1976), 3–7, 18. David Piper, compiler
of the Catalogue of Seventeenth Century Portraits in the National Portrait Gallery, 1625–
1714 (Cambridge, 1963), 237, thinks it is not convincing stylistically as Faithorne’s
work and that it was probably derived from the engraving.
33 Virtue recorded his visit to Deborah Clarke in his Notebook for August 10, 1721, and
in a letter to Charles Christian, dated August 12 (quoted in Miller, “Milton’s Portraits,”
4–5). Deborah made a point of stating that Joseph Addison, John Ward, and other
visitors had remarked on her close resemblance to portraits they had seen of her father,
which would be the engravings and their copies. Some sentimentalized accounts de-
scribe her waxing ecstatic over a crayon drawing of Milton. Richardson reports at
second hand that she cried out “in a Transport, – ’tis My Father, ’tis my Dear Father! I
see him! ’tis Him! and then She put her Hands to several Parts of Her Face, ’tis the very
Man! Here, Here —” (EL 229). The story was repeated with other embellishments by
Francis Blackburne, in his Memoirs of Thomas Hollis (London, 1780), 620. Whatever
Deborah felt for Milton, she found it advantageous to present herself to inquirers as a
tender and loving daughter.
34 Bodleian Library, Wood Ms F 40. f. 82. Later, Blount quoted approvingly from Milton’s
History in his Animadversions upon Sir Richard Baker’s Chronicle, and Its Continuation (Lon-
don, 1672), 20, 58, 98–9. See Nicholas von Maltzahn, “Laureate, Republican, Calvin-
ist: An Early Response to Milton and Paradise Lost (1667),” MS 29 (1992), 191, n. 31.
35 In a letter of December 24, 1670 to John Evelyn, Beale observed, “Milton is abroad
againe, in Prose, & in Verse, Epic, & Dramatic”: Evelyn Papers, BL, JE A 13, Ms 108.
f. 2v. See chapter 13, pp. 455–6, and von Maltzahn, “Laureate, Republican, Calvinist,”
191.
36 Evelyn Papers, BL JE A 13, Ms Letters 109, f. 1v. Cf. von Maltzahn, “Laureate, Repub-
lican, Calvinist,” 191. In December, Milton’s old friend Henry Oldenburg sent a copy
to Francis Vernon in Paris. The next year, Milton’s sometime correspondent and ac-
quaintance from 1656–7, the French scholar Emery Bigot (see chapter 10, p. 343), took
note of it in letters to Heinsius and Lorenzo Panciatichi (Chronology, 211–12).
37 The manuscript copy of the Digression at Harvard (Harvard English MS 901) contains
a reference to the place in the 1670 printed text where the Digression should be placed
(p. 110). Also, a canceled (and not fully worked out) sentence in the manuscript adopts
the tone of a settled judgment upon long-past events, qualifying a statement about venal
and corrupt clerics: “But all were not such. Whither all were such or were not, many
yet living can witness, and the things themselves manifest Yet the more active part of
them such were.” These and some other changes entered above lines suggest that the
Digression was being corrected with a view to publication sometime after the 1670
edition. Toland’s text of the History in his edition of Milton’s Works (1698) makes
several additions to the original edition which may be authorial; he claims that his
version was taken from a copy “corrected by the Author himself” (LR V, 27). See CM
XVIII, 516–17; the additions are in CM XVIII, 256–7.
38 On December 29, 1672 the bookseller Sir Thomas Davies registered Milton’s History of
England, indicating that he had rights to it from John Dunmore; in the following entry
on that same date, the bookseller John Martin enters the work, indicating that Davies
had assigned those rights to him. Dunmore obtained rights to it on August 24, 1671
from Spencer Hickman (SR 1640–1708, II, 451–2).


Notes to Chapter 14
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