proceedings on citizens who fail to respond to the jury
summons. Nearly two thirds of courts report some
form of follow-up on nonresponders, most often in the
form of a follow-up letter or second summons that
informs jurors that they have failed to report for jury
service and assigns them a new reporting date. Courts
that have formally evaluated this approach find that
the response rate to a second summons ranges from
35% to 50% and that individuals responding to a sec-
ond summons qualify for jury service in roughly the
same proportion as those responding to the first sum-
mons. If a juror fails to appear a second time, sanc-
tions can increase in severity from civil contempt
proceedings and fines to arrest and incarceration.
Practically, serious juror scofflaws constitute a rela-
tively small proportion of the population in most com-
munities. Thus, these more aggressive enforcement
measures often are conducted sporadically, but with a
great deal of publicity, as a deterrent to future jurors
who might ignore the summons.
The result of these efforts has been a remarkable
improvement in the diversity of jury pools over the
past three decades. Although some disparity in racial
and ethnic representation still occurs in most commu-
nities, typically the difference between the proportion
of a given minority in the community and the propor-
tion of that minority in the jury pool ranges from
2 to 4 percentage points. These changes, especially
expanding the inclusiveness of the master jury list and
reducing the term of service, have also dramatically
increased the proportion of the American population
that has experienced jury service—from 6% in 1977
to 29% in 2004. It may be this direct and personal
experience with jury service that has continued to bol-
ster popular support for the institution even in light of
the precipitous decline in the proportion of cases tried
by jury over the past 30 years.
Paula Hannaford-Agor
See alsoJury Deliberation; Jury Reforms; Jury Selection;
Story Model for Jury Decision Making; Voir Dire
Further Readings
American Bar Association. (2005). Principles for juries and
jury trials. Chicago: American Bar Association.
Hannaford-Agor, P. L., Waters, N. L., Mize, G. E., & Wait,
M. (2007). The state-of-the-states survey of jury
improvement efforts: A compendium report. Williamsburg,
VA: National Center for State Courts.
Hastie, R., Penrod, S. D., & Pennington, N. (1983). Inside
the jury. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Munsterman, G. T., Hannaford-Agor, P. L., & Whitehead, G. M.
(Eds.). (2006). Jury trial innovations. Williamsburg, VA:
National Center for State Courts.
JURYCOMPETENCE
Many observers praise the abilities of juries in making
decisions in both criminal and civil cases. Others,
however, criticize the competence of juries, arguing
that juries are not effective legal decision makers.
Psychologists have conducted a variety of studies to
evaluate how juries make decisions, using simulation
and field experiments, archival data, and interviews of
jurors and judges. Overall, juries show a relatively
high degree of competence—jurors take their
decision-making tasks seriously, understand the
nature of the adversary process, attempt to make deci-
sions that achieve many (sometimes conflicting) goals
simultaneously, and perform at a level that is similar
to that of judges. However, there are clear areas in
which jury performance could be improved, and a
variety of procedural mechanisms have been devel-
oped to assist juries in their decision-making tasks.
Models of Juror Decision Making
Research has shown that jurors attend to the trial evi-
dence presented and show relatively high levels of com-
prehension and recall of the facts at issue. Mathematical
models of juror decision making—i.e., Bayesian mod-
els, algebraic models, and stochastic process models—
posit that jurors begin with a preliminary judgment and
update that judgment as evidence is introduced through-
out the trial. In contrast, the “story model” of juror deci-
sion making is an explanation-based model of juror
decision making that contends that jurors construct a
narrative story that best accounts for the (often conflict-
ing) trial evidence and then select the verdict option that
best fits that narrative.
Jurors’ Use of Evidence
In reaching their verdicts, jurors endeavor to make
decisions that account for the evidence and that follow
the law. Research has shown that in doing so, jurors
do tend to make use of the evidence that the law
Jury Competence——— 401
J-Cutler (Encyc)-45463.qxd 11/18/2007 12:43 PM Page 401