American Politics Today - Essentials (3rd Ed)

available to most whites and blacks—remains. As noted, other racial and ethnic

minorities have also faced exclusion and discrimination. Second, active discrim-

ination based on race, gender, and sexual orientation is still evident in our soci-

ety. In addition to unequal treatment, a gulf remains between the quality of life

of minorities and that of whites, as well as between each group’s political views.

Although substantial progress has been made in bridging that gulf, inequalities in

political, social, and economic conditions remain.

Diff erences in Voting Access

The political divide is mostly evident in lower levels of voter turnout among

racial minorities relative to whites. Diff erent rates of voter turnout can mostly be

accounted for by education and income—especially between blacks and whites—

but there are many examples of practices and institutions that depress minority

turnout. And many of these are intentional. They include moving and reducing the

number of polling places in minority-majority areas, changing from district-based

to at-large elections, redistricting to dilute minority voting power, withholding

information about registration and voting procedures from blacks, and “causing

or taking advantage of election day irregularities.”^15

Consider the 2008 elections, in which numerous practices likely led to voter

suppression and intimidation. Some were based on race. Three states removed

voters from the voting rolls if there wasn’t an identical match between the name

the voter used when registering to vote and the name as it appeared in another

state database (often, driver’s license information). States also used voter purges

(seven states), challenges targeting minority voters (fi ve states), technical bar-

riers to voter registration and voting (six states), student voting barriers (seven

states), voter registration access (a number of states did not comply with the law

that requires voter registration services at social services offi ces), voter intimi-

dation and deceptive practices (fourteen states), and poor ballot design (three

states).^16

Socioeconomic Indicators

The racial divide is also evident in social and economic terms, as an
overview of demographic data reveals. Nearly three times as many
black families are below the poverty line as white families, and the pov-
erty rate of 25.3 percent for Hispanic families in 2009 was similar to
that of black families.^17 Furthermore, black median household income
in 2011 was only 58.2 percent of median white family income, and
the average white household had more than six times the assets
of the typical nonwhite family. In 2010 the median household net
worth was $130,600 for whites and $20,400 for nonwhites. Figures
for Hispanics are somewhat better, but the gaps are still large. His-
panic household income was 69.7 percent of white income, $38,626
compared to $55,412.^18 Poverty is concentrated in areas of the coun-
try where the minority population is highest (see Figures 13.1A and
13.1B).

DESPITE THE REMOVAL OF MOST

formal barriers to voting,

Latinos are less likely to vote and

participate in politics than whites,

blacks, and Asian Americans.

Groups like Voto Latino

(represented here by Rosario

Dawson and John Leguizamo) have

tried to mobilize Latino voters in

recent elections.