Gulf Resources shares. This Texas oil family hired George Bush in 1977 to be the executive
committee chairman of their family enterprise, the First International Bank in Houston. In the1980s, Ray Hunt secured a massive oil contract with the ruler of North Yemen under the
sponsorship of then-Vice President Bush. Ray Hunt continues in the 1991-92 presidential campaign
as George Bush's biggest Texas financial angel.
Here, in this one powerful Houston corporation, we see early indications of the alliance of GeorgeBush with the "Zionist lobby"--an alliance which for political reasons the Bush camp wishes to
keep covert. These, then, are the Anglo-American moguls whose money paid for the burglary of the
Watergate Hotel. It was their money that Richard Nixon was talking about on the famous "smoking
gun" tape which lost him the Presidency. (In 1983, British investor Alan Clore moved in for a
hostile takeover of Gulf Resources and Chemical Corp. STexas, argued that the government should stop the takeover on groundsenator John Tower, Republican from of "national security", since (^)
the company controlled the materials for the world's nuclear weapons. Certainly, the management
of such an enterprise is closely supervised by the U.S. intelligence community. It is then obvious
why a Congressional probe that led through Liedtke and Bush to the secret services had to be
sabotaged.)
On Oct. 3, 1972, the House Banking and Currency Committee voted 20-15 against continuing
chairman Wright Patman's investigation. The vote prevented the issuance of 23 subpoenas for
CREEP officials to come testify to Congress. The margin of protection to the moguls was provided
by six Democratic members of the Committee who voted with the Republicans against chairmanPatman. As CREEP chairman Maurice Stans put it, "There were...indirect approaches to
Democratic [committee] members. An all-out campaign was conducted to see that the investigation
was killed off, as it successfully was." Certain elements of this infamous "campaign" are known.
Banking Committee member Frank Brasco, a lieral Democratic Congressman from New York,
voted to stop the probe. New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller had arranged a meeting betweenBrasco and U.S. Attorney General John Mitchell. Brasco was a target of a Justice Department
investigation for alleged fraud and bribery since 1970, and Mitchell successfully warned Brasco not
to back Patman. Later, in 1974, Brasco was convicted of bribery.
Before Watergate, both John Mitchell and Henry Kissinger had FBI reports implicating CaliforniaCongressman Richard Hanna in the receipt of illegal campaign contributions from the Korean
Central Intelligence Agency. Hanna surprised Patman by voting against the investigation. Hanna
was later (1978) convicted for his role in the Koreagate scandal in 1978. The secretary of
Congressman William Chappell complained in 1969 that the Florida Democrat had forced her to
kick back some of her salary. The Justice Department, holding this information, had declined toprosecute. Chappell, a member of the Banking Committee, voted to stop Patman's investigation. (^)
Kentucky Democratic Congressman William Curlin, Jr., revealed in 1973 that "certain members of
the committee were reminded of various past political indiscretions, or of relatives who might suffer
as a result of [a] pro-subpoena vote." The Justice Department worked overtime to smear Patman,
including an attempt to link him to "Communist agents" in Greece. [fn 19]
The day before the Committee vote, the Justice Department released a letter to Patman claiming that
any Congressional investigation would compromise the rights of the accused Watergate burglars
before their trial.
House Republican leader Gerald Ford led the attack on Patman from within the Congress. Though
he later stated his regrets for this vicious campaign, his eventual reward was the U.S. Presidency.
Cancelling the Patman probe meant that there would be no investigation of Watergate before the
1972 Presidential election. The Washington Post virtually ended reference to the Watergate affair,